Editorial | Articles about Cambodia | Khmer
Prime Minister Hun Sen,
Dear Mr. Prime Minister,
Deputy Prime Minster; and Minister of Justice
http://groups.google.com/group/camdisc/browse_thread/thread/acb987bc69dcb0bc/5f71e34529e66248#5f71e34529e66248
It has come to my knowledge that that Teang Narith, law and politics lecturer at Sihanouk Raj Buddhist University in Phnom Penh, who was dismissed on 22 August for writing a book critical of the government, was arrested on September 4. The next day he was brought to court where the investigating judge charged him with the criminal offence of disinformation and sent him to prison. The crime of disinformation carries a prison sentence ranging from six months to three years, a fine from one million to ten million Riels, (US$ 250 to $ 2,500) or both.
Teang Narith, 30 years old, has written a book in the Khmer language entitled Political Philosophy that provides an analysis of the country's political development and its relations with Vietnam. The book which has yet to be published, seeks to highlight the danger that Cambodia is currently facing. Teang Narith is critical of Cambodia's current leadership and has held them responsible, among other things, for a grenade attack on peace demonstrators in 1997 that killed nearly twenty persons and wounded more than one hundred, as well as for the relations with Vietnam that are damaging to Cambodia. The book provides evidence and sources that support his claims.
On 3 August 2006, Teang Narith distributed copies of his manuscript to his students at the university. On August 22, the university's Vice-Rector Hing Yan informed about a letter of concern from Secretary of State for Religions and Cults Chhorn Iem to students with a notice that the course taught by Teang Narith was discontinued. This effectively ended Teang Narith's employment and up until then he had been teaching at the university for four years.
I am very much concerned at Teang Narith's dismissal and arrest for writing a book. This is a blatant violation of his right to freedom of expression and publication guaranteed and protected by Cambodia's constitution. The arrest was carried out when his lawsuit against his dismal had not been adjudicated yet. I understand that according to article 62 of the Cambodian criminal law of 1992, commonly known as UNTAC Law there must be the three constitutive elements combined to be able to prove disinformation: (1) the information must be false, fabricated, falsified or untruthfully attributed to a third person; (2) it must be published, distributed or reproduced in bad faith and with malicious intent; and (3) this publication, distribution or reproduction must have disturbed or is likely to disturb the public peace. The prosecution and the investigating judge have not shown even probable evidence to prove that all these three elements are there to charge Teang Narith. I simply know that the situation in Cambodia is stable and peaceful, and the public peace is not disturbed or will ever be disturbed by Teang Narith's book.
I also understand that, under the same Cambodian law as amended, disinformation is a misdemeanour and an offence that bail would be allowed. Considering the lack of probable evidence, Teang Narith should not have been arrested in the first place and, when arrested, should have been allowed bail. He should have his lawsuit against his dismissal adjudicated first.
Teang Narith's arrest and pre-trial detention are very arbitrary. As they have been doing before, the country's leadership has used the courts they control to silence and punish their critics. Teang Narith is yet another victim of such a rule.
I condemn Teang Narith's dismissal from his teaching job, and his arrest and imprisonment. I request the Cambodian government to honour its human rights obligations and stop using the courts to silence its critics. I also request the police, the prosecution and the municipal court of Phnom Penh to drop the charge altogether against Teang Narith.
I further request donor governments, UN agencies, international aid agencies and the international human rights community to work with the Cambodian government and courts to end this persecution of critics of the government and push for Teang Narith's release.
Yours sincerely,
Beatrice J Chuon
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Pol Pot thought of me as a patriot, but intellectual—in other words, incapable of heading the revolution.
By Stéphanie Giry
Newsweek International
Sept. 18, 2006 issue - After a decade of stop-and-start negotiations, a United Nations-sponsored tribunal has finally begun to investigate the handful of Khmer Rouge leaders who are still alive in Cambodia. Prosecutors hope to bring them to trial for crimes against humanity, among other charges, next year. But many Cambodians are skeptical that justice will be done before the elderly former guerrillas die off. Most of the Khmer Rouge leaders continue to deny any knowledge of or responsibility for the estimated 1.5 million deaths that occurred between 1975 and 1979, when their forces emptied out Phnom Penh and radically reorganized the countryside. Khieu Samphan, Cambodia's president during the Khmer Rouge reign, recently spoke about his role with Stéphanie Giry. Excerpts:
Giry: How did you become affiliated with the Khmer Rouge?
Khieu:In the 1960s, after editing a progressive paper, I became a congressman and, briefly, junior minister of Commerce. I supported Prince [Norodom] Sihanouk, who advocated Cambodia's neutrality between the United States and Vietnam. But in 1967, after I was accused of instigating a large peasant riot, I was forced to go into hiding in the countryside. The Khmer Rouge were already active there, mobilizing and organizing the peasantry. The movement seemed like the only path toward social progress.
Your Ph.D. thesis, written in 1959, advocated the democratic collectivization of the Cambodian countryside. What was its relationship to the policies of the Khmer Rouge?
No relationship. It was a very academic, unrealizable thesis. [Khmer Rouge leader] Pol Pot thought of me as a patriotic intellectual. A patriot, but intellectual—in other words, incapable of heading the revolution. When I told him in 1975 that evacuating Phnom Penh would alienate the people from the party, he compared me to Gorky, who, distressed by the famine in the Soviet Union in the 1920s, kept questioning Lenin.
What did you think of the many people who were dying of starvation in the countryside?
Isolated as I was at headquarters in Phnom Penh, I knew nothing of what was happening in the countryside. I knew that people who had been evacuated from Phnom Penh were suffering, but I didn't know they were reduced to starvation.
What did you know about the 17,000 or so people [mostly Khmer Rouge officials accused of treason] who were tortured and executed at the S-21 complex in Phnom Penh?
I did not know of S-21.
How could you have known so little, given your rank?
My title was purely honorific; I had no power to make or execute decisions. My main task was to maintain relations between the party and the prince. [Also,] the Khmer Rouge was the most secretive of communist movements—absolute partitioning, no horizontal communication. The few times I did go to the countryside, I was escorting the prince on tours of new infrastructure projects and I saw only what he was shown.
When did you finally realize all those people had died?
In late 1998, after Pol Pot's death and the collapse of the movement, when I finally had a chance to talk to former Khmer Rouge fighters and cadres.
What did you think?
I was overwhelmed. And then I read and thought a lot. Between 1975 and 1979, the population died mostly of starvation and disease, which existed even before the Khmer Rouge came to power. The countryside had been ravaged by U.S. bombings. Famine was threatening Phnom Penh, which overflowed with refugees. Even a report from the U.S. Agency for International Development predicted a food crisis. Such frightfully difficult conditions must have convinced Pol Pot to go beyond communist orthodoxy by evacuating Phnom Penh and abolishing money.
Do you have any regrets?
I regret that so many lives were lost for nothing. Had we at least advanced economically, the unhappiness would have been good for something.
If today Cambodia were more like China, the experience would have been worth it?
Frankly, yes.
What do you think of the tribunal that will judge crimes committed during the Khmer Rouge regime?
I did everything I could to remain honest toward my country and contribute to its development and independence, and now I'm accused of genocide. I don't understand. And I'm sure most Cambodians don't understand either.
© 2006 Newsweek, Inc.
http://msnbc.msn.com/id/14756011/site/newsweek/_
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Khmer Intelligence News - 10 September 2006
10 September 2006
Corruption scandal at US-financed CCHR (2)
In today's edition of Khmer-language newspaper "Rasmei Kampuchea" there is a report about a large-scale corruption scandal at the US-financed Cambodian Center for Human Rights (CCHR) led by former politician Kem Sokha. Sixteen CCHR employees and former employees accuse Mr. Kem Sokha of corruption leading to serious abuses. Over the last few days the CCHR has just embarked on a well-publicized anti-corruption campaign against the government.
Manipulation of voter lists (2)
There is mounting evidence showing that, through the National Election Committee (NEC), the ruling CPP is manipulating voter lists in order to secure victory for the forthcoming local (2007) and national (2008) elections. The results of those elections are being largely decided now through a biased voter registration process. International observers who will come to monitor the upcoming elections in Cambodia will probably see no irregularities and will likely give their stamp of approval. Few people pay attention to the ongoing early but critical stage of the election process. Electoral tricks used by the CPP and the NEC are detailed here.
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Cambodia Law: Adultery, Not in Sihanouk Royal Family Cerebral
(Edited) By Kok Sap
September 8, 2006
Seemingly Sihanouk does not understand how derogative the meaning of adultery. Recently he has poked fun on Heng Samrin newly passed Adultery law. I know Heng Samrin is not quite in direct target zone, the rampant corruption, just yet. However one thing, Sihanouk himself hadn't fully come to grip that all the messes in Cambodia since were his own creation. People of Pol Pot or Heng Samrin and Hun Sen caliber came to power because how delusional Sihanouk had been for the past 37 years to be exact.
Generally speaking, to that matter with minus or plus can, Hun Sen+ which or Sam Rainsy+Saumora or RRidh-Marie or Kem Sokha+how many or Eng Chhay Eang + who or Chak kraum Paung which who or Sok An-which who or Sar Kheng who or Hoc Lung Di lam tin which one or You Hoc Cry who or Kol Pheng who or Monique-which who or Kossamak-which one, or any known personality overtly pronounce as dignified monogamist. Unlikely so,Heng Samrin scored a point ahead of his royal highness beastly nature.
Look at every one of his living children including the adopted ones too; all are despicably one way of the other. Yet he connivingly makes Ouk Phalla unworthy of a person who has caused his abrasive Eng Marie unhappiness. Although, Sihanouk is not naïve that Eng Marie might not have loved but used Rannridh as much to secure her family members posh jobs in royal government then and now. In anyone mind, surely she would have wished to have cut Rannridh balls off with her fruit peeling knife. So after all both profiteering Eng Marie and Ouk Phalla attitude your trash is my treasure are in the same classification with am Bun Rieu Som Heang and dazzling Piseth Pilika agendas out of Khmeng wat Som dach Hun Sen.
Apparently post WWII prior to cong dong Nom Pem CPP moi knew how disgrace Sihanouk family was back then. Example of his own father, Suramarith, was a child of incest between brother and sister. So was Rannridh and Bopha Devi are the children of Sihanouk own disgrace incest between studding nephew and lustily elder aunt. Thus it seems Sihanouk cultural upbringing does not measure up worthiness of his words. None to miniscule. Also note, Kingly stud Suramarith had produced two more illegitimates out of wedlock for leisure, Mr. Sereivudh de Paris le guitarist sans carrière and réfugiée Madame Vachara, out of his so called China woman mistress while lonely Queen birdy Kossamak, his mother, was busy entertaining her young attentive alternate once held Prime Ministership whom later she had sent, in Lon Nol behalf, to appease his illegitimate step son to return to Phnom Penh in the 70's. Unfortunately Sihanouk hated to sight his mother hanky-panky lover with passion in due of his father inability to please her and refused to even speak to the Birdy Queen, his own mother then.
Basically if a person corrupted his/her own relationship of his/her child mother or father, how else would stop he/she from being corruptive? Not to condone or ignore sensibility of such divergent law, but one can see and judge the womanizing and philandering are rooting firmly in the corruption albeit. Fundamentally, as decent human, none appreciated spousal infidelity or disloyalty categorically. But it is usual and traditional in the royal heritage. Yet other people views had never been that important as much except the royal palace or harem progenitors.
Therefore each of us can pray that each individuality shall take responsibility and duty faithfully, despite role in society. To avoid senseless self incrimination of tung dial taum then none be acceptable, not to excuse, laws are made and to be broken by men. Starting with Sihanouk, therefore, men must see to laws are to be blind of other colors but to equally see black and white in the interest of justice for all citizens. Who give a foot what Sihanouk said? Ask Hun Sen for clarification.
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September 9, 2006
CPP PUNISHES DISSIDENTS IN POIPET COMMUNE
Poipet is Cambodia's largest commune with over 100,000 inhabitants.
On September 11, 2006, Poipet commune council led by SRP commune chief Hay Nam Heng will organize a ceremony at the commune office in Banteay Meanchey province to inaugurate eleven village chiefs who have recently been elected by the commune council. Among the eleven village chiefs, five are affiliated with the CPP, four with the SRP, and two with Funcinpec.
Reflecting the outcome of local elections held in 2002, the 11-member commune council is made up of 5 councilors from the SRP (including the commune chief), 4 from the CPP, and 2 from Funcinpec. Earlier this year, despite the fact that they had collected less popular votes than the SRP in 2002, the ruling CPP planned to take the control of all the commune's eleven villages. However, among the four CPP councilors, two refused to obey their party's instructions and suggested instead that the commune's eleven villages be fairly shared among the three political parties represented in the commune council.
On June 14, 2006, an election was held to set up a Commune Election Committee to organize the election of village chiefs. A SRP councilor was elected as President of the Committee thanks to the support from a CPP councilor. The CPP leadership identified councilor Luy Kim Sun as the "traitor" and fired him two days later.
On June 21, 2006, the commune council met and elected the eleven village chiefs as detailed above. The CPP's plan to take the control of the eleven villages was foiled because of the "betrayal" of CPP councilor Pen Tho. The latter was fired a few days later. Then, the CPP started to cry foul and alleged that the election was rigged. After the hasty, hectic and controversial replacement of Luy Kim Sun and Pen Thol with two new councilors who are believed to follow the party's line more faithfully, the CPP is calling for new elections to be held for (only) the four village chief positions won by the SRP.
Given the principles of decentralization, the CCP's current demarche is illegal since the Central Government has no right to intervene in an election of village chiefs that have been organized by commune authorities in accordance with clearly defined rules and procedures. Everything is over now.
The Poipet commune council has invited Members of Parliament from the three political parties, as well as diplomats and NGO leaders, to attend the inauguration ceremony as guests of honor.
We will attend in spite of increasing threat and intimidation.
SRP Members of Parliament
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This article is about a new film, called "The Red Sense," by Khmer Australian director, Tim Pek. The film deals with the Khmer Rouge Regime, and the upcoming trials, from the perspective of modern Khmer young people, living in a western country.
Photos are available upon request.
And the Whole World Would be Blind and Toothless
c, New Australian Khmer Film Calls for Forgiveness in the Wake of the Khmer Rouge Genocide
By Antonio Graceffo
¡°When you set out to seek revenge, first dig two graves.¡±
Ancient Chinese proverb
Your earliest memories are filled with the pain of hunger, privation and torture. The only image you have which is more powerful, is that of your father¡¯s murder, at the hands of the Khmer Rouge. The horror of your early childhood gives way to vague memories of a daring escape to Thailand. Next, there is a period of years wasted in deplorable conditions in a refugee camp, followed by a frightening journey to foreign country, where you began your new life, as an overseas Khmer, one of the lucky few, who was give a second chance at life, after 25% of the population of your home country was slaughtered.
In Australia, where you never quite feel at home, you struggle to learn a new language, adapt to a new culture, and deal with the angst your mother feels when she and the other adults talk about their suffering under the Pol Pot regime.
And of course, you know you will never see your father again.
You struggle to put the past behind you. You have enough to eat, and access to a state education. You grow up and attend university in Sydney. You are moving forward, letting go of your past. You are young, beautiful and bright. You will pave a new path for your family, in a new world.
But all your dreams and hopes for the future come toppling down, as your past catches up with you. It all ends the day you learn that your father¡¯s killer, a former Khmer Rouge soldier, is alive and well, living comfortably in Australia.
What do you do? Do you kill him? Do you turn him in to the authorities? Or do you forgive and forget, embracing the future and letting the past burry the past.
These are the questions that modern Cambodia is dealing with as they move towards a Khmer Rouge trial. These are also the questions Australian Khmer director, Tim Pek explores in his new film, ¡°The Red Sense.¡±
Tim Pek, who has also been involved in the Khmer film, ¡°Buffalo Protecting Child,¡± and the Australian Khmer Rouge film, ¡°Chhay¡±, makes his directing debut, with ¡°The Red Sense,¡± a film which he hopes will motivate modern Cambodians to forget the past, and focus on the future.
Filmed in Australia, ¡°The red Sense¡± features a Khmer cast, all of whom have their own connection to the Khmer Genocide.
Actress Sarina Luy, who plays the role of Kong Jan Melear, the young woman who discovers her father¡¯s murderer in Australia, says ¡°My parents always talk to me about all the difficulties that they went through during that time.¡±
Sarina Luy came to Australia in 1995, arriving from New Zealand, after having left a refuge camp in Thailand, in 1991.
Each member of the crew had a different reason for wanting to do the film, and for feeling ¡°the Red Sense¡± was important.
¡°I think the Khmer Rouge time is a powerful memory in the hearts of older people, and they will never forget and forgive.¡± She says. ¡°I really think this film is very important for overseas Khmers, especially all the teenagers should know about the history and the difficulties that our poor people have gone through.¡±
¡°The red Sense¡± was written by Tim Pek and Rithy Dourng.
¡°I came to Australia in November 1994 at the age of 12.¡± Said Rithy Dourng. Like the others, Rithy also has a personal connection to the Khmer Rouge atrocities.
¡°My grandfather died during the Khmer Rouge time.¡± He explained. ¡°My family does not talk about the times under the Khmer Rouge regime all that much, only when we have family gatherings, to share a bit of what they went through.¡±
Rithy points out that ¡°The Red Sense¡± is a very unique film. ¡°I believe this film would be one of the first Khmer films to incorporate western elements, such as the western style of filming and portraying a story.¡±
Rithy feels the major problem facing overseas Khmer is a loss of culture. ¡°As time goes by, we drift further and further apart from our culture, traditions and particularly our language; and eventually we would loose our identity completely.¡±
He calls to overseas Khmers to help heal the wounds of his people. ¡°There is no one magic solution that could address this issue. The solution has to come from a combination of activities that must be supported by the majority of, if not all overseas Khmers. We need to promote Khmer language education by sending young children to Khmer language school and regular events offering opportunities for community participation. These are key starting points in maintaining the Khmer identity.¡±
In the film, as Sarina Luy seeks the right answer, she calls upon a Khmer monk at a temple in Australia for advice. In pre-Khmer Rouge Cambodia, it was very common for people to go to the monks for advice, or to settle their differences. Today, with the loss of culture and distrust of organizations, seeking the advice of monks may actually be more common in overseas communities than in Cambodia.
As the film deals with the concept of forgetting the past, it is no wonder that many of those involved are against the controversial Khmer Rouge trials. Rithy, for one is against the trials.
¡°I feel the Khmer Rouge trials in Cambodia are not worth the money spent. If they were going to have trials, they should have been held 20 years ago, not now, that most Cambodian people are trying to move forward.¡±
To date, only two Khmer Rouge cadre have been tried or incarcerated. While many Khmers see this as a travesty of justice, wishing the guilty to be punished, many also feel that the trials will only drag up old hatred and open wounds which could potentially heal.
¡°The millions of dollars spent on the trials would be more worthwhile if it was spent on poverty reduction, community development and helping the poor and needy who are desperately in need of food and shelter.¡± Said Rithy.
Kaply Mon, who plays Odom Chen, Melear's lover, says that three of his brothers were killed by the Khmer Rouge. ¡°My family always talks about this.¡±
The film is scheduled for independent release in Australia in November of 2006. There will be a public debut in Phnom Penh and a world DVD release.
Mr. Narith Eng, who plays Chen Vann, the Khmer Rouge killer, came to Australia in 1989. He had this to say, about how the film would be received in Cambodia. ¡°Its hard to say if young people living in Cambodia will understand. For example, my son is very young. He doesn't understand much about Khmer Rouge, the torture, the hardship etc...But, I think this type of younger generation will learn and adapt more easily than older generation.¡±
¡°This move is very important for people who lost their loved ones, to understand, to regain their conscience.
As for forgive and forget, Narith Eng had this to say about the real Khmer Rouge killers. ¡°If I know the killer, I think I would take revenge. They need to pay the price.¡± It came as no surprise that Narith Eng is in favor of the Khmer Rouge trials. ¡°I am very delighted and content about the trials. I have always wished that the trails would go ahead. Again it¡¯s a radical issue.¡±
Ta Mok was one of the highest rnaking Khmer Rouge cadre still living. Since his recent death, there has been even more speculation on the trials, if they should be held, or if there would be reliable witnesses who knew the inner workings of the Khmer Rouge central command.
¡°Since the Ta Mok is dead, things won't be easy anymore, but I hope we can bring justice to everyone.¡± Said Narith Eng.
Director Tim Pek found making the film to be a very emotional experience. ¡°Making the movie blew me away. Even though there were a lot of gruesome memories and pains, I've heard many worse stories from other Khmers, and my heart just melted.¡±
Tim Pek feels the pain of his people, and hopes to bring a healing salve, by promoting forgiveness.
¡°One question which constantly reoccurs to me,¡± began Pek, ¡°why does the Khmer younger generation still seek revenge, after three decades have passed? Why not use this mental energy to turn around and concentrate on building
Cambodian's future.¡±
Tim Pek urges the modern Khmers. ¡°Stop debating this useless point! Let us open a new chapter, and love each other.¡±
Cambodia has seen enough war.
You can see the film trailer and photos at: Websit
Checkout Antonio’s website http://speakingadventure.com/
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The Monk from Brooklyn
Bikes, Boats, and Boxing Gloves
The Desert of Death on Three Wheels
Adventures in Formosa
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Fighting from the Walls of Angkor Wat
National competitions of Bokator Khmer, the Ancient Cambodian Martial Art, to be held in Cambodia, first time in nearly 1,000 years.
By Antonio Graceffo
During an expedition into China¡¯s Taklamakan Desert, explorer, Sven Hedin, uncovered a piece of parchment, later discovered to be nearly two thousand years old, and counted as one of the world¡¯s oldest documents.
China and much of Europe have had the luck of having a long tradition of recording their history in written form, with books and whole libraries dating back more than 1,000 years. This rich knowledge of their history has given these countries a strong sense of nationalistic pride.
While Cambodia has not been so lucky in terms of printing and preserving books, the history of the Angkorian Empire can be found carved in bass relief on the walls of Angkor Wat. The fabulous temple complex, one of the wonders of the world, is at once a monument to that great empire, and the best source of information about Cambodia¡¯s past.
In the martial tradition of their warrior ancestors, the Cambodians chose Kick Boxing as their national sport. To date, Cambodian kick boxers have been effectively excluded from participating in international competitions because of a row with Thailand, regarding the name of the sport. Cambodians claim that the bass relief carved on the walls of Angkor Wat prove that the Khmers invented kick boxing. They resent the popular name Mauy Thai, which has been adopted by most of the rest of the world. They refuse to join the World Muay Thai Council, on principle. And have consequently become a hermit kingdom of fighters with no place to fight.
Regardless of the outcome of the boxing argument, the Ancient Khmer martial art of Bokator is something which belongs only to Cambodia. The proof is ¡°written in stone,¡± on the walls of Angkor Wat.
Unlike kick boxing, which is a sport fighting art, Bokator was a soldier¡¯s art, designed to be used on the battlefield, against Thailand, and practiced by King Jaya Varman VII. Bokator is a complete martial
Master Sam Kim Saen, Rather than continuing g an age old argument,
Khmer Bokator is a very complete martial art, which uses strikes, throws, drags, trapping, and locking, and ground fighting. In Bokator every single part of the body can be used as a weapon. Bokator practitioners are trained to strike with knees, hands, elbows, feet, shins, and head. Even the fingers, hip, jaw, and shoulders can be used to pound an opponent.
Grand Master Sam Kim Saen is the man credited with reviving this wonderful martial art, which was almost lost.
¡°During the Khmer Rouge time, masters of traditional arts, such as painting, dancing, music, and martial arts were hunted down and killed.¡± Explained Master Sam Kim Saen. ¡°All of my training brothers and students, as well as two of my children, were killed by the Khmer Rouge.¡±
After the Khmer Rouge Regime ended, and the Vietnamese occupation of Cambodia began, martial arts were completely outlawed.
To keep the art alive, Grand Master Sam Kim Saen taught martial arts in secret, but was eventually turned into the authorities by an informant. Afraid for his life, he escaped to a refugee camp in Thailand, and then later, to the USA.
Although he and his family were safe in America, Grand Master Sam Kim Saen was still concerned about his country. ¡°Khmer young people don¡¯t even know their own history. They don¡¯t know about our greatness in the past, the ancient arts which were taught by the grandfathers¡¯ grandfather, which is running in our blood.¡±
He moved back to Phnom Penh, and in 2001, he began teaching Bokator. In the hopes of brining all of the living masters together, he began combing the countryside, looking for any Bokator teachers who had survived. The few men he found were old, ranging from sixty to ninety years of age. After nearly thirty years of oppression, they were afraid to teach the art openly.
¡°I tried to tell them it was OK, we already had permission from the government, but they wouldn¡¯t listen.¡± Said San Kim Sean. The old men wanted to stay in the province. But San Kim Sean insisted. ¡°You have a great gift which was given to you by our ancestors. Do you want to steal it from our children? When you die, the art will die with.¡±
In the end, they believed him.
¡°Some of them broke down in tears.¡± Laughed San Kim Sean, who seemed like he could be persuasive when he needed to. ¡°In April of 2004 we held the first Bokator conference in Phnom Penh. Now, there are schools in eight provinces. And, we are preparing for a national championships.¡±
Bokator, like Chinese Kung Fu, has various styles, which teach the students to emulate the fighting of a particular animal.
According to Sam Kim Saen, the fingers can be trained to be as tough and piercing as the fangs of a lion. With a small movement he can deliver a painful finger strike, piercing a pressure point on an opponent¡¯s body. He demonstrates how a double finger strike can be used to rip out a collarbone.
Bokator Khmer uses colored Krama (traditional Khmer scarves) instead of belts. The art contains ten animal styles. The five white krama animal forms include: king monkey, lion, elephant, apsara (traditional Hindu sacred nymph), and crocodile. The green krama forms include: duck, crab, horse, bird, and dragon.
The first ever National Bokator competition will be held in Phnom Penh, at the Olympic Stadium, September 26, 27, 28, and 29. The competition will comprise 20 teachers, leading teams from 9 provinces.
¡°I feel great.¡± Laughs the Master, ¡°This is the first time in history that we hold a National Bokator competition. We will put on a good show.¡± And hopefully preserve the art.
There will be competition divisions for both teachers and students. The competition will have a demonstration component, where competitors will execute a form, a pre-rehearsed and choreographed series of movements, as well a fighting component. The competition will include demonstration of Bokator weapons, the long and short stick, and short sword.
Bokator fights shall consist of three, three minute rounds, with two minutes rest in between. Unlike in sport fighting, the Bokator fighters will not wear gloves. Instead, their hands will be wrapped with krama (Khmer traditional scarf). Legal techniques will include all kinds of strikes, kicks, elbows, and knees. No head-butts, eye gouges or groin strikes are allowed. Fighters may throw an opponent. Once on the ground, they are permitted to use joint locks or submissions, but no strikes.
In the developed world, Mixed Martial Arts, professional no-holds-barred fighting competitions, which include kicking, punching, knees, elbows, and ground fighting, is quickly becoming an extremely popular, and lucrative, sport. Many of the rules which
distanced boxing, kick boxing, and sport martial arts from their combative origins have now been repealed. As martial artists travel the world, looking for the most effective systems of martial arts to combine into an indomitable fighting art, it is my belief that they need to take a look at ancient arts, which well pre-date sport fighting. Most notably, I believe that Bokator Khmer may prove to be a well-spring of innovative new ideas and concepts. But then, like the re-discovery of Angkor Wat, the world would not be discovering something new. They would be discovering secrets which the Khmer people have known for centuries.
Bokator Khmer will be featured in a new film series, called Martial Arts Odyssey
Directed by Khmer Australian director, Tim Pek, and hosted by adventure writer, Antonio Graceffo
Tim is well-known for his touching film about the Khmer Rouge genocide, "The Red Sense."
Contact Antonio Graceffo: antonio@speakingadventure.com
Contact: Master Sam Kim Saen – Bokator teacher kimseanboxkator@yahoo.com
Tel: 012651845
Checkout Antonio’s website http://speakingadventure.com/
Get Antonio’s books at amazon.com
The Monk from Brooklyn
Bikes, Boats, and Boxing Gloves
The Desert of Death on Three Wheels
Adventures in Formosa
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By Kok Sap
September 3, 2006
The mischievous politic in Cambodia had made martyr out of young dynamic advocate Mr. Chea Vichea. He was one of the victims of such cowardice politics. Never before, he was nearly a walking time bomb trigger of the unforeseen predicament for Hun Sen infidel regime. People were cheated, frustrated, infuriated, and disrespectfully provoked. On his funeral day, the awesome number of participants and onlookers had undoubtedly put the officials to elevate precaution and cross fingers in wishing no riot occurred. Calmly and grievously, mourners bottled up anger in respect of their hero dignity.
Imagine, on the flip side of the event, if that many people included average public servants, teachers, lowly rank soldiers, city cyclo and motorbike drivers, truck drivers, uniformly boycott the government underhanded the land grabbing or corruption or rigged election for one week straight after that day. Imagine how mighty and irresistible force of people would be. This is notably character of Khmer society, patience and immeasurably tolerance is virtue.
But other question who really want to risk the meager wage or crumbly possession to challenge powerful Hun Sen Clique and crony. Because of the demagogue and misleading tactics, people still did not get it that they have power to make or replace government of their choices. The exceptionally precedents took place in 1970 and 1976 when the almighty god sent dictator Sihanouk was invited to make way for people choice. So this is not impossible to happen to Hun Sen dictatorship or anyone else in that matter either, only time will tell.
Considering Cambodia violence history, of course, people fear of gun barrels that come in naturally. But the gun barrels or violent forces are merely of own victims of government corruption themselves. Theoretically, all gun barrels shall save people sufferings and pains from going through life under long overdue dictatorship and thug operatives. Realistically speaking, politicians are also made of people of individuality with emotion, sentiment, kinship, and conscience. At the same time, soldiers are people children, husbands, fathers, brothers, kin and classmates. Soldiers symbolize people esteem in self defense not the individuality greed in government. They have the job because of people support them in forms and shapes.
Traditionally saying, it takes a forest to affront the storm. A handful of trees is not the forest. Figuratively, the soldiers as if it is a bunch of small trees that make up the forest. The army made of soldiers, not a handful of generals. Other obvious, to make a general it needs only one soldier. Remember large trees can’t replace forest. Otherwise it is a lot easier to make a general than an army. Thus the army can easily replace a general but not all the soldiers.
Conclusively Hun Sen or Sihanouk is stately tree which is dangerously to the livelihood of the forest. It takes a very capable army to remove forest but a marginally force for a tree. Exemplary, it took Hun Sen and crony over 27 years to destroy thousand year existence of forest in Cambodia. If Cambodia is awaken, it may take it a minus second to have adverse consequences on Hun Sen or any one else. Please bear in mind there are less variety of grown trees than the seedlings in the forest. Ultimately, the seedlings are the future forest not the few tallest trees to affront the future storm.
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Transcript and Original "Statement of Heng Peov"
Heng Pov
The following is a transcript of the statement issued anonymously under the name of Heng Pov.
Statement of Heng Peov
Until 27 July 2006, I was the Major General of Ministry of Interior’s Under Secretary of State, and Personal Advisor to Prime Minister Hun Sen. At the same time I retained the position of the Police Commissioner of Phnom Penh until January 2006, a position that he had held since 2001.
On 27 July 2006 whilst I was overseas, my Prime Minister appealed to King Sihamoni to remove me from my position and the King signed the agreement.
I am now in hiding in a neighbouring country and cannot go back to my beloved country Cambodia. My Government has been mounting a propaganda campaign against me since I left Cambodia on 23 July 2006. I have been portrayed by the Cambodian media as a villain and a criminal. My family in Cambodia including my wife who is recovering from cancer and my two year old American born son Pov Justin have been placed under house arrest. They have searched my two houses and confiscated my assets. Most of my staff members have been arrested on trumped up charges. An International Warrant has also been issued for my arrest.
I think it is time to tell the world my story and hopefully by so doing I can clear my already muddied name. I am nothing like what I have been accused of and I have never committed the crimes that they have alleged. I wish to declare to the whole world my innocence. This document is my only means to get my message crossed.
I believe that it was my consistent efforts to eradicate the rampant corruption in Cambodia, my support for the transformation of Cambodia into a democratic society and my position against systemic human rights violations in the country which has resulted in the precarious circumstances I have found myself in. I do not regret what I have done. If I have to die for my beliefs and my country I stand ready and willing to do so.
I was born in Kandal Province on 1 December 1957 and both of my parents were rice farmers. My parents passed away when I was the age of 11.
In 1992, when I was on duty as a police officer in the Anti-Crime Squad in Phnom Penh, I suffered a gunshot injury to my left leg which resulted in my leg being amputated. I lost my left leg for my country.
In 1995, there were wide- spread demonstrations in Cambodia led by Sene Sane for democracy. The Prime Minister Hun Sen ordered to that these demonstrations be quashed. He called for a meeting with Hoc Lundy, General Director of the Police Force. I was invited by Hoc Lundy to the meeting as his friend. (I recall Amson An, Secretary of State of Ministry of Interiors was also at the meeting. The meeting was held at the Prime Minister's residence at Tourle Krarsing, Kandal Province.) At that time, I was the chief of Bureau of Anti Narcotic in Phnom Penh. At the meeting, I heard them saying to do whatever possible to bring to an end the nationwide unrests. I did not know that he would use the grenades at the demonstrators.
The grenades killed over 10 people at the Pagoda. Sene Sane's son was injured by the grenades including 10 other people. I did not know that they would be using the hand grenades against the innocent demonstrators. I was not a party to it. When the grenades exploded, I was at the office of Net Sa Veun talking to him about how Hun Sen had met Hoc Lundy. After that the police were alerted to the explosions and that is when I knew that something bad happened. I only found out that after the grenades exploded. The police were called upon to investigate who was responsible for the bombing, but they did the investigation superficially and were trying to cover the track than to find the person responsible.
During my time at the Anti-Narcotic Bureau, I discovered evidence showing Hun Sen's people being involved in drug trafficking. I went to see Hun Sen with a view to bringing it to his attention. He took me to the cellar of his house which was nicely decorated. Hun Sen asked me whether I knew the names of the people who were into the drugs. I replied that I knew and I told him one name Mon Routy whom I was sure was involved. I suspected other men of Hun Sen were also involved, but I was not 100% sure. Hun Sen did not make any comments. Then Hoc Lundy then arrived with Huy Piseth, Chief of the Hun Sen's bodyguards and distracted my discussion with him. We then talked about the opposition party's protest. Hoc Lundy said to Hun Sen, ' why don't you use hand grenades.' Hun Sen said that it was a good idea... "I can send Seth to do it and he is a good operator." He authorized Hoc Lundy to pay for Huy PiSeth to do the job. Hoc Lundy answered that he would put together the money to pay them. He suggested that I met with Seth. After that, Hoc Lundy ordered me to find the money (US$ 100000) to give to Huy Piseth. The money came from the police.
On 30/3/97, the opposition leader Sam Rainsy led a demonstration calling for the reform of the justice system in Cambodia. The demonstration was held in front of the Assembly of the Nation. I was near the Pro Tom Pagoda and witnessed what happened. My staff took me on his motorbike to see the big protest outside the Assembly. 2-4 minutes after we arrived, I heard a big explosion and people crying and screaming. Then I saw four men running away from the scene. I recognized only two of them that were: Mr Phan Sary Colonel and Mr Ourn Cham Nane Commander; both of them were Hun Sen's men. I did not know the other two. They ran towards the Prime Minister' house. I followed them there to see what they ran away like that for. I talked to General Huy Pheseth and told him that I saw four of his people running away from the scene and that they should not have thrown the grenades. He told me to keep quiet and don't talk to any body. But I was angry and upset. I need to speak to somebody about it. I went to see Hoc Lundy who I considered at the time as my friend. I felt that I had to report to Hoc and could not understand why Hun Sen chose to kill so many people. But he told me the same thing to keep quiet and not to tell anybody about it. Amongst the people who were killed or injured was an American. I understand the American Government sent people to Cambodia to investigate.
In 2003 Phan Sary came to see me in my office. He admitted to me that he was the person who threw the grenades. He said that he was very sad because he killed so many people. He complained that Hun Sen used to pay him money to have things done. When he was in trouble nobody seemed to care about him He said that he did what he did because Hun Sen ordered him and he had to please him. He acknowledged that he killed a lot of people before. He said that he now did not even have money to support his children. I recorded the conversation.
Seizure of 7 tons of cannabis
In 1997, I was the director of anti-narcotic bureau. I seized seven tons of marihuana belonging to Mon Rati's company. Mon Rati was a close friend of Hun Sen. The marihuana was hidden away in two containers and were ready to be shipped to Norway. The seizure occurred at a border port of Siha Nauk Vill, after the seizure, Mr. Ho Sok, the undersecretary of the Ministry of Interior from the Funcinpec Party asked me to arrest Mon Rati. I could not do it as Mon Rati was associated with Hun Sen and he intervened. Hun Sen announced in the media that if Mon Rati was arrested, he would make sure that Mon Rati would not be touched. I therefore could not do anything about it. After that, the Canadian Embassy invited me to go to Canada to brief the Canadian government on the seizure. The Hun Sen was very angry with Ho Sok. Before I was scheduled to leave for Canada, Hun Sen called me to his residence and asked me to consider not to go to Canada. He asked me to tell the Canadian that I was busy and could not accept the invitation. The story of the seizure became bigger than what it was supposed to be because it involved Hun Sen's people. Hun Sen openly vowed to protect Mon Rati. Hun Sen said that if I were to tell the Canadian about the drug seizure, the international community would exert pressure on the Cambodian Government. He suggested that I stay calm and keep quiet. If I did what he told me to do, I would be given a new car by Mon Rati. Mon Rati then paid me a visit shortly after my meeting with the Prime Minister. Hun Sen also asked me to give a press conference denying the seizure ever occurred and to cover it up.
I was afraid of Hun Sen and he was too powerful. I had no option but to obey. I accepted the car from Mon Rati. It was a 1997 Landcruiser Toyota. My office was given a second hand Hilux for use. it has a logo of Mon Rati's on it. Hun Sen subsequently ordered me to go and arrest another person Chai Sok Kom instead as a scapegoat. Chai worked in the military police belonging to Funcinpec Party
Assassination of Ho Sok
Shortly after the above incident, there was a coup d'etat in July 1997 led by Hun Sen to outlaw the Funcinpec Party. Mr. Ho Sok went to the Singapore Embassy in Phnom Penh for asylum because Hun Sen and Hoc Lundy were trying to arrest him as he was from the Funcipec Party. The asylum was refused and Ho Sok was turned away. Hoc Lundy then apprehended him and ordered his bodyguards to take him to General Ma Seun's office of the PPC. Hoc Lundy then gave me direct order to take Ho Sok to my office. When I arrived there, there were 6 armed men sent by Hoc Lundy waiting for me. I knew the two of them and they were Keov Vichet and Bon Na . They shot Ho Sok outside Ma Seun's office. I questioned them as to the killing. Bon Na replied that Hoc Lundy sent them to kill Ho Sok then and there. Hoc Lundy did not like Ho Sok. I was shocked and rang Hoc Lundy who said that if Ho Sok was alive he would create a lot of trouble for us. He asked me to give Bon Na a car from the police vehicle pool as his reward. I did what I was told and gave Bon Na a Camry 97.
There were five people who witnessed the killing, Ma Seun, Thorn Im and three other people including Thorn Lim (General) and Ine Bora (Colonel), Mow So Vanna (Colonel) and the other anti-crime squad,
The Death of Movie Star Piseth Pilika
In 1999, I was heading the Anti- Crime Bureau as deputy director and was in charge of the investigation of the death of the movie star. I found that before she died, she had an affair with Hoc Lundy. Her husband went overseas frequently, leaving her alone in Cambodia. Hoc Lundy often contacted her and took her to parties and buying her presents etc. In due course, a relationship was developed and she bore a son for Hoc Lundy. Then Hoc Lundy introduced her to Hun Sen. Hun Sen met her. Prior to her meeting Hun Sen, she was not that well off. But afterwards, she made a lot of money. Her bank account in Canada Bank showed a balance of US$30,000 at the time of her death. She was also given a brand new Honda CRV and a villa. She was worried about her safety everyday as Hun Sen's wife found out their secret affairs. Hun Sen's wife blamed Hoc Lundy as he was the matchmaker. Hoc Lundy made peace with her and promised that he would try to separate the movie star from Hun Sen. Soon the movie star was killed. I found out that the killer was one of Hoc Lundy's body guards. I went to question Bon Na and he admitted that he was involved together with Keov Vichet in the killing under the order of Hoc Lundy.
Because the crime involved Hoc Lundy, I could do nothing about it. I made no arrest. I was very upset and there an innocent life killed and I being a police officer could do nothing.
Helping the Opposition Party
In 2000, I got in touch with the opposition parties. I did this because I believed that the Hun Sen government was corrupted and that if there was any hope for Cambodia, it would be through the opposition parties. He had too much blood on his hands having killed too many people. I would like to see a change in the Cambodian Government to bring democracy and Justice to Cambodia. When I heard Hoc Lundy and Hun Sen were conspiring to kill them. I went to alert the opposition leaders in secret by contacting people closer to them and to warn them.
I suggested to them joining forces to get a better chance to be elected in the next election in 2008. I also gave some evidence showing how corrupted Hun Sen was to the opposition leaders so that they may expose it to the public. In late June/July 2006, Hun Sen found out that I was speaking to the opposition giving them suggestions etc. He was not happy with me. He accused me of being not loyal to the PPC.
On 23 July, I left Cambodia to Malaysia to have my leg checked and then to Singapore to see my sons and get a prescription glass done by a friend. Before I left, I asked for permission to go overseas and they granted the permission. On 28 July, I heard from Cambodia and friends that I could not go back anymore because Hun Sen was angry with me accusing me of being a traitor to the PPC. They were trumping up charges against me.
I know his real reasons for my arrest. I know too much about him and about his illegal activities. He saw me as a threat to him and wanted to get rid of me.
Speaking out
With all that I found out about Hun Sen and Hoc Lundy, I was in despair. I was like a lost ship in a vast ocean. I have my principles and ideals but in a corrupted world, I was going nowhere. To survive, I have to keep my eyes closed to many evils that I have witnessed. It was killing me inside. On three separate occasions between 1999, 2000 and 2001, I decided to talk to the Human Rights Watch in Cambodia . I spoke to Ms. Pon Chigate(PHON), Director of the LICADO in Cambodia, Eva of Global Witness in Phnom Penh, Henrick, former UNHCR representative in Phnom Penh, Christopher Peschoux, UNHCR in Geneva, Mr. Paul Grover of the US Anti-Drug Intelligence Service and finally Naly of the LICADO in Cambodia.
Killing of Judge Sok Setha Mony
I read in the foreign press that I have been accused by Hun Sen of being involved in the assassination of Judge Sok Setha Mony. This is a total fabrication on Hun Sen's part to justify his campaign against me.
In 2003, the judge was killed by a terrorist group known as the CFF. The military police in Phnom Penh arrested three people suspected of being involved in the assassination. The arrests were coordinated by Colonel Sim Hong, Military police, who headed the investigations. I had nothing to do with the arrest, because it was military police's job.
The people arrested are Chun Ched Tra, and Moul Made but I cannot remember the other person's name.
I had a great respect for the judge and I had personally known him well. There was no way that I would have arranged for him to be killed.
I believe that this is just one of the many trumped up charges they had against me in order to secure my arrest. I know too much and I have treaded on too many toes.
Seizure of 36 kg Heroine
In 2003, I obtained information from an anonymous tip that Lt Colonel Ngur Sambath who was a man of General Sao Sokkha (three-star) and general Dom Hak (2 star) was involved in heroine trade. Following investigations, we attend his residence at Toul Kork District, in Phnom Penh and seized 36 kg of Heroine. Lt Colonel was arrested on the spot but Dom Hak who was residing there fled the scene. We attempted to chase after him to arrest him, but Hun Sen stopped us, ordering not to arrest Dom Hak nor to investigate, saying that there was no need to arrest Dom Hak. I had to stop chasing and investigating. Instead of punishing him Hun Sen surprisingly promoted him to three star about one month later. Ngur Sambath was found killed in the prison. Hun Sen told me not to be too harsh on drug trade.
Not long after this, there was a function organized by Hoc Lundv for all the general. Sao Sokkha was there and I was also invited. Sau Sokkha praised me a lot at the function and wanted me to be close to him. He said to me that if we united together, we could do anything in Cambodia. He then said that there was only one thing referring to my stance on drug trade. He asked me to stop investigating into the drug trafficking as Narcotic did not cause any trouble to Cambodia. I confronted him saving that I did not agree. He became angry and said to me that if you kept investigating, he would use his own sword to kill me
Other people witnessed it and they came over to us trying to calm us down.
Request for court and justice reform
At the beginning of 2005, I requested to my Prime Minister Hun Sen to reform the court and justice system as it was corrupted. Many judges around the country were not happy with me especially the prosecutor OKsa Voth who was known to be the master of corruption. The Prime Minister supported me and he announced in public to reform the country's justice system. People welcomed the move and to commemorate the occasion, they wrote a song in which my name was mentioned. I told them not to as the Prime Minister would not be happy to see my name being promoted too much. Oksa Voth was unhappy with me as he saw the reform would potentially bring to an end what he could do under the current system.
Mv current circumstances -- a direct result of my position in the government and my open defiance against Hoc Lundv and the Prime Minister
In 2005, Hoc Lundy ordered me to kill the Secretary of the State Nut Sa Ann, because Mr Nut Sa Ann had a conflict with Hoc Lundy over a piece of land owned by the police. Hoc Lundy got very angry with him and ordered to arrange for him to be killed. I refused because I respected the man a lot and would not like to see him killed. I had to find an excuse for myself. I explained to Hoc Lundy that Nut Sa Ann had too many bodyguards and it would not be possible.
In December 2005, Hoc Lundy had a conflict with me because he wanted me to cut the lock to the residence of a Cambodian American lawyer David Chinava and to conduct a search. The reason for the search was that the lawyer was said to be drunken one day and drove into the Hun Sen. Public Garden. He fled the scene and kept quiet. About 10 days later, the police started investigating and found the car in his house which he had deserted. The house was locked and that's was the reason why I was ordered to cut the lock to gain access. I did not obey his order and told Hoc Lundy that it was illegal to do that. Hoc Lundy was upset with me for disobeying his order. He shouted at me questioning why amongst all the policemen and women in the country who all respected him, I was the only one who dared to disobey him. He said that he could not tolerate anybody who disrespected him.
At the beginning of 2005, Hoc Lundy's son Hock Lundao also known as Dy Vichea was divorced from his wife, Hun Chantah, the niece of Hun Sen.
All of the above incidents where I refused to obey to him made him very bitter against me. He bears grudges against me. On 25 December 2005, he invited the police commissioners, governors and other senior officials of seven Districts to a meeting at the Governor of Phnom Penh's residence. Around 400 people were present. I was one of the participants. Hoc Lundy conveyed his dissatisfaction openly with me and vowed that he would do whatever possible to strip me off my title in three months. He said that he would make this his objective and that if he did not achieve this, he would give up two of his own stars. To me, he declared a public war against me. He said that he was the head of the Mafia in Cambodia and that nobody could win him, 'not even the Advisor to the Prime Minister'. I have a recording of his speech which was given to me by another police friend who was at the meeting. The Cambodian newspaper also reported the meeting.
Subsequent to the meeting, I approached the Prime Minister for intervention. The Prime Minister told me not to worry, saying that there would be no way he would let Hoc Lundy remove me from my positions. He said that he himself had issues with Hoc Lundy.
Assassination of a Singaporean man
I have also been accused of killing a Singaporean man. It is absurd and why did I have to do that?
I was certainly not involved in the killing of the Singaporean man, Sim Ping Say. I know him pretty well and regarded him as my friend. Sim was gunned down and killed at the beginning of 2004 . To date nobody had been arrested for the killing.
Sim was a Singaporean businessman. He together with another Singaporean Mr. Kok entered into a joint venture with a Cambodian businessman Bun Hy. That was around 10 years ago. The joint venture was to build a hotel with 300 guest rooms. There were problems after problems associated with the building. The three partners eventually ended up not trusting each other. Because of the nature of the project, the Deputy Prime Minister Sao Ka Heng ordered me to intervene and find a solution to their problems. That's how I met Mr. Sim and Mr. Kok.
I recall during a meeting I convened for the three of them shortly after my appointment, Mr Kok complained to me about Mr Sim cheating money from him etc. Mr Sim was not present at the meeting. Mr. Kok also said that he was afraid of Mr. Sim because he may arrange for him to be killed and did not want to go back to Cambodia. That meeting was held in Singapore. Prior to the meeting, I met Mr. Kok several times and also received a letter Mr. Kok in Cambodia. Mr. Sim lost a lot of his investment in the project and would like to get out of it by selling the building. He proposed to sell the building and shared the proceeds amongst them. An agreement was reached in the form of memorandum of understanding and was sealed by the government. Because of their mistrust for each other, I was made the agent for the sale and advertised my number as the point of contact for the sale. Offers were received but we were not able to achieve a sale because they kept upper the prices offered. This was partly because after Mr. Sim was killed his wife took control and communicated directly with the other two parties. That situation made it impossible for me to sell the building. This tug of war continued until mid 2004 when I gave it up. I had had enough of their problems, and besides I had too much on my plate at that time.
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Wednesday, August 16, 2006
Exclusive Hun Sen’s dirty jobs
Comments recorded by Sylvaine Pasquier
L’Express (France)
Translated from French by M. Preuk
Heng Pov was one of the police chiefs [of the city] of Phnom Penh, he was a key witness but also played an active role in the exactions made by the Prime Minister and his regime. Today Heng Pov is on the run, he provides [here] his exclusive testimony.
Yesterday, he was secretary of state at the Cambodian Ministry of Interior and advisor to Prime Minister Hun Sen, Heng Pov was relieved of all his duties at the end of July. Accused of various crimes, he is in hiding overseas, and he is also under a red notice alert broadcasted by Interpol at the demand of [the] Phnom Penh [regime]. The Cambodian authorities never deployed such aggressiveness towards the backers of political assassinations nor the killers on their payroll. Having occupied key positions, such as Phnom Penh police chief, Heng Pov knows the inside of the regime, and most of all, the secrets hidden behind closed doors. In this exclusive interview, he allows us a small peek behind the curtain hiding a universe of violence and mafia-like complicity in which he was one the player. Can he accuse his former peers without incriminating himself? Heng Pov is a time bomb for the Hun Sen regime. Can the regime avoid the shockwave?
Did you run away from Cambodia knowing that you would be charged?
I left the country legally last July 23, with an authorization for the Ministry of Interior, for medical care of my amputated leg. Five days later, some friends called me from Cambodia, warning me not to go back: Prime Minister Hun Sen and Hok Lundy, the national police chief, learnt about my contacts with the opposition and reprisals are expected [to be forthcoming]. They have fabricated entirely an accusation file against me – a process which was routinely used to throw the opponents [of the regime] behind bars. Currently, members of my family are detained at home, and they are kept in the dark. They are even prevented from going out to get food. The Prime Minister wants to catch me at all cost because I know too much about the crimes and corruption of the regime. If I am arrested and sent back to Cambodia, my life will be in danger. Once my security is assured, I will be ready to testify in order to clarify the international community on the practices of the Cambodian regime.
What are you referring to?
In 1995, Hun Sen wanted to put to an end all demonstrations demanding for democracy. To do that, he organized a meeting at his home in Tuol Krasaing, where Hok Lundy participated. The latter asked me to participate also. I know he was present and I have proof of what was said there. Grenades were thrown at the Son Sann [a former Prime Minister] party. I can tell you where these grenades came from and who threw them: they were men under Mok Chito who is nowadays at the head of the criminal police at the Ministry of Interior. In March of 1997, the same method was used against the partisans of Sam Rainsy, the opposition leader, who were gathering in front of the National Assembly. I just arrived at the spot for a few minutes when the explosions started. Suddenly, I saw 4 people running toward the residence of the Prime Minister.
Who were they?
I followed them, and I recognized two officers from Hun Sen’s guard [unit]. Shortly after, I informed General Hoy Piseth of my discovery, he was the commander of this [guard] unit. “Stay still and don’t talk about it to anybody,” he told me. But, I was angry and I told these facts to Hok Lundy who had the same reaction as Hoy Piseth. In 2003, one of those whom I identified during the grenade attack confessed to me that he was indeed one of the grenade launcher. “I obeyed the orders from Hun Sen,” the man added. There is still a recording of this conversation.
Were you informed beforehand of the July 1997 coup d’état?
Before this event, in April, about 7 tons of cannabis [marijuana] were ceased at the Sihanoukville port. The anti-drug trafficking office which I directed, discovered this illegal cargo in two containers shipped to Norway, and belonging to the Mong Reththy group – a businessman close to the Prime Minister. Ho Sok, the state secretary of the [Ministry of] Interior belonging to the royalist [Funcinpec] party, immediately asked for the arrest of Mong Reththy. Hun Sen was furious. Knowing that I was invited shortly thereafter to a seminar in Canada on anti-narcotic fight, the Prime Minister summoned me. “Do you know who is implicated in this [cannabis] traffic?” I replied: “Mong Reththy and some people in your entourage.” Hok Lundy, General Sao Sokha, then the deputy chief of the national police, or General Dom Hak, the leader of the land military army.
How did Hun Sen reacted?
He told me that I cannot go to Canada. Instead, he wanted me to organize a press conference to exonerate Mong Reththy. His orders were to falsify the documents in such a way as to implicate the royalist [Funcinpec] Chao Sokhon as being the culprit. Chao Sokhon was a police officer who was arrested and sent to jail. Freed two years later, he received some financial compensation. Thus Hun Sen put the blame on the royalist [Funcinpec] camp. However, Ho Sok knew that Mong Reththy was the culprit.
Was it why he (Ho Sok) was killed?
Exactly. Taking advantage of the coup d’état which Hun Sen perpetrated with the help of Hok Lundy, and Generals Hoy Piseth and Sao Sokha, as well as Neth Savoeun, his nephew through alliance, who was leading the Phnom Penh municipal police [force]. During the operation, the Prime Minister arranged to leave for Vietnam, but, he was in contact in permanence through satellite telephone with Hok Lundy whom Hun Sen entrusted the leadership. Turned away from the Singapore embassy where he went to look for protection, Ho Sok was arrested and brought to an office at the Ministry of Interior where Hok Lundy asked me to go to. On the spot, I saw six bodyguards belonging to the chief of the police who arrived there before me. They shot Ho Sok in front of my eyes. One of them whom I know well, emptied a whole magazine of AK-47 bullets on Ho Sok. I took him aside: “Why did you kill him? – I don’t know anything, Hok Lundy gave the order to do so, ask him yourself.” That was what I did. “It was necessary, Hok Lundy said, if not Ho Sok would have created problems.” The main worry of the police chief was for me to recover a car from a royalist official on the run: he wanted the car to give as a gift to the most zealous of the killers.
Is this the way the system [regime] operates?
When Hun Sen demanded that I falsified the documents regarding the seized cannabis, he warned me that Mong Reththy would give me a car, a Toyota Land Cruiser. My [official] duty landed me [only] a used Hillux pickup. Whoever executes the crime is a full partner of the system. To buy his silence, he is offered money or a car.
What do you know about the murder of actress Piseth Pilika in 1999?
I was in charge of the investigation as the deputy criminal police chief. I thus discovered that she first had an affair with Hok Lundy who later on presented her to Hun Sen. But Bun Rany, the wife of the Prime Minister, discovered her husband’s affair with the star. She accused Hok Lundy of acting as the go-between. The latter went to see her to make peace, to tell her that it was just a fling … However, I learnt through my investigation that he promised [Bun Rany] to separate Piseth Pilika from Hun Sen. Those who shot the actress were the same killers of Ho Sok. I questioned them and I recorded their testimonies.
You were the Phnom Penh police chief in 2004 when the unionist Chea Vichea was shot. Are the real culprits behind bars?
It was necessary to have a rigorous and transparent investigation, it was what I asked for, whereas the human rights organizations and the international community emphasized their pressure on the authorities. A few days after the murder, I was summoned to go to Hok Lundy’s home. Two generals were present there: Sok Phall and Chay Sinarith. Immediately, he (Hok Lundy) announced to me that the killers were identified and arrested! Based on a simple denunciation made by the Tuol Kork district police … It did not take me long to understand that the two suspects, Born Samnang and Sok Sam Oeun, had nothing to do with the murder. During the questioning, Hok Lundy called me, demanding that I went to his home to pick up a gun which he affirmed to be the crime weapon. He claimed that a police officer under the order of General Chay Synarith brought it over to him, and that it belonged to one of the suspect. I then thought of the royalist [Funcinpec] MP Om Radsady who was shot in 2003 in the middle of the street, just like Chea Vichea. I was convinced that the two crimes were organized by the same people. The methods used [in the killing] and the gun – which came from Hok Lundy – are identical.
Did you personally receive the order for murder?
In 2005, Hok Lundy asked me to kill Nuth Saan, secretary of state at the [Ministry of] Interior, with whom he had a conflict regarding a state-owned land and used by the Siem Reap police. Nuth Saan decided to sell it to hotel investors. Hok Lundy was furious about it, it was because the secretary of state took the decision without asking for his approval, and not because Nuth Saan was squandering public properties for his own benefit. Hok Lundy wanted to let everyone know that it is him who is in charge and nobody else. To tell Hok Lundy that I declined to act against the law would expose myself to the same fate as Nuth Saan. I dreamed up an excuse. Several times, I skirted his orders. In December 2005, at a meeting of police officers and commune leaders at the municipality of Phnom Penh, Hok Lundy took it out openly against me. He then ordered the arrest of several of my collaborators.
Can one remain upright in this system?
On several occasions, I gave information to human rights organizations and to the opposition – I was looking for somebody who can publicly divulge them. There is no doubt that I turned a blind eye on the corruption which Hun Sen claims to fight against, but that in fact, he is one of the main beneficiary. The sale of public properties such as the Phnom Penh police headquarter brought in for him, for example, 2 million dollars, Hok Lundy raked in $800,000 … The Prime Minister plays a dangerous game for the country. I am convinced that there will not be democracy in Cambodia as long as the opposition parties cannot succeed in uniting themselves against the current regime. As for the accusations leveled against me, I am ready to answer them in front of a tribunal, under the condition that it is not done either in Cambodia or Vietnam. In these places, there is no justice.
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Who’s Who
By Sylvaine Pasquier
Hok Lundy (1950-): One of the strongmen of the regime, at the head of the national police since 1994. He is linked to Hun Sen, the current Prime Minister, since 1979, whom he met in Vietnam. His son, Hok Lundao, married Hun Chanthah, Hun Sen’s niece, in 1998. He divorced her about a year and a half ago. Hok Chindavy, Hok Lundy’s daughter, is married to one of Hun Sen’s son, Hun Manit.
Ho Sok (1958-1997): Colonel, he was a member of the royalist military faction at the beginning of 1990, He was nominated secretary of state at the Ministry of Interior in 1995. Openly criticizing the corruption and drug trafficking, he was one of the first target during the 1997 coup d’état organized by Hun Sen. It was the only murder of an opponent acknowledged by the regime. The culprits have never been arrested.
Chea Vichea (1968-2004): President of the Free Trade Union of workers of the kingdom of Cambodia, he was by far the most active unionist in the textile industry, the main industry in Cambodia. He was shot and killed in the middle of the street on the morning of January 22, 2004 by unknown killers. Serious doubts remain on the culpability of two suspects accused of the murder and who are condemned to 25-year jail term each during a sham trial.
Piseth Pilika (1965-1999): Royal Ballet dancer and beloved Cambodian star. She had an affair with Prime Minister Hun Sen, which resulted in her being mortally wounded in 1999 near a market in Phnom Penh, by a killer who took off without worry. She died seven days later from her wounds. More than 10,000 people participated to her funeral.
Sam Rainsy (1949-): Former Finance Minister (1993-1994), nowadays, opposition leader, he founded the Khmer Nation Party in 1995, which was renamed Sam Rainsy Party (SRP) in 1998. A virulent critic of the regime and threatened with arrest several times, he was condemned in absentia to 18-month jail term for defamation in December 2005, he was later pardoned by the king.
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By Kok Sap,
August 31, 2006
People have high expectation in each MP as a fellow citizen representative not a yoyo. Please be mindful of people daily chagrins and hardship. If the purposely pending Anti Corruption law enacted accordingly, the polygamy or the offensive speeches especially the grand theft and extortion may take a rest on own initiative. The legislature and Administration kept taken aback about such bill despite of donors and lenders criticisms. All major donors threatened to suspend fund and repayment but that does not bother Saum-dach Hun-Chea- Heng a bit. And the other Saum-dach Prince of Hoods, RRidh, ran off with $30 million.
Recently we all can appreciate Heng Poev in letting public know how evil the current government and its key personalities. Remember, Heng Poev is just a tip of the whole Kahuna corruptive chain. So, the bill is very crucial in reforming the rampant corruption and disenfranchisement in Cambodia. Please stop fooling around and be serious with your high paid salary job. If this law enacted accordingly, the polygamy or the offensive speeches especially the grand theft and extortion might take a rest on own initiative.
The penal codes for corruptive activity ought to be with teeth and might. Then the regular social mischievous drinking, compulsive gambling, brothel visitation, trafficking-smuggling, and selling documents, to build up secret stashes for multiple foxes, as Sihanouk dubbed it, may take caution on own merit. Why all of sudden, monogamy and speech is so urgent? Is it because too close to next election and consultative conference which typically Hun Sen would run his mouth about the corruption law then the donors got soften and forgot all about it.
The National Assembly shall exercise full rights as stated in the Constitution. The Assembly is the Cambodia and its people. It shouldn't have lodged legitimate grievance with the Constitutional Council and King timely since the government head is reneging his duty.
The Constitution stated it so 1/10 of the Assembly can act in the best interest of people and national integrity. It has precedents in the record such as the packaged government vote, the lifting immunity vote, and 50 plus ONE legislation vote, the illegal treaties endorsement etc...
Henceforth, the FUNC and SRP can join force in such nationalistic reformation to curb and limit Prime Minister Office too much of power and authority in implementing policy without conferring the legislatures. Also, the Assembly should limit role in each of MP to hold multi offices while in Parliament. The Prime Minster office is ought to be open to all qualified candidate from participating political party unnecessary only the top echelon leadership. This to prevent dictatorship and conflict of interest before it is gone beyond presently. MP who holds ministerial top post should be excused from MP seat all together. Otherwise the culture of baking and eating cake will still continue unless a new revolution takes place.
The current system is giving too much power to Prime Minister to the degree that he acts belligerently and unilaterally toward the legislatures and Constitution. The Assembly is mandated by people votes to act on their behalf in protecting their interest and national sovereignty. Cambodia got to change the way the government and legislature function in order to balance and check for transparency.
All appear the monarchial and the totalitarian mechanism is still in place. Cambodia is still a corporate since Sihanouk has been studding around his ministers wives in exchange for juicy posts. It had never changed entirely even during the Khmer Republic.
Seemingly so many laws passed with MP showing hands as regularly. There was no forum nor debate or study about any law. That's the violation of privacy. It is coercion and intimidation. Therefore all votes should put into secret ballot for the sake of individual integrity and conscience. This is fundamental rule in democracy. All MP shall act and talk like real people voice not political influenced rubberstamping.
Presently the anarchy in land grabbing and drug smuggling, and social instability may consume Cambodia all together sooner. To uplift morality and transparency, each high office holder must file annual income and asset report with the treasury and national taxation services. If any doubt or suspicion, the legislature moves in with its investigative committee subpoena and court enforcement. The treasury, in turn, takes action in accordance with the laws. Up to this point people may not have to be killed for speaking up against evilness from officials. Daily the government dares to violently manhandling citizens without a flinch, because their representatives neglect duty and allow it. Therefore it is the Assembly job to preserve order and laws. It needs to push hard before next election arrived. The monogamy and draconian laws to intimidate vocal MP can be at ease in the light of the anticorruption law.
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By Kok Sap,
August 31, 2006
The original UNTAC approved Constitution drafted and promulgated in 1993, Article 51 states" The Kingdom of Cambodia adopts policy of Liberal Democracy and pluralism. The Cambodian people are the master of their own country. All powers (power) belong to the people. The people exercise these (the) powers through the national Assembly, the Royal Government and the judiciary. The Legislative (National Assembly),
Executive (loosened term Government, actually the Administration) and
Judiciary Powers shall be separate (correctly separated but exclusively abiding in check and balance)." The clause seems distinctive and indicative of people power. But in reality it is pervasively contrary.
Out of the stated branches, the so called government possesses exclusive power to even dictate the other two. Each verse has no tooth.
Let's look at the staple of the article 51" the Kingdom of Cambodia adapts policy of Liberal Democracy and pluralism." Is this representative? Not likely. The words" adapts policy" is weak and ambiguous. It ought to be "adheres Democracy of Pluralism and Equality", instead. Next verse states" The Cambodian (no distinctive in qualification) people are the master of their own country." This is clearly rubbish. All know who the real master of their country is.
The following verse is more interestingly in term of who is really calling the shot," All powers (power) belong to the people. The people exercise these (the) powers through the national Assembly, the Royal Government and the Judiciary." Not so, if we look at the patterns, the Legislative or Judiciary makes no calling without afraid of Executive reprisal since most are actually subordinates of the government hierarchal. This is paradoxical. The oddity is whether egg or chicken comes first. In record, the head of government was originated from absolutism and authoritarianism. Thus he seems to impose members to heed his personal agendas rather than the people.
Such law is understated the power of people.
Lastly, "The Legislative, Executive and Judiciary Powers shall be separate." Like it or not this is totally a deception and demagogue.
Most MP members are holding multiple roles whether in administration (Executive) or legislative and/or party leadership. The obvious, who dares to risk losing self and fortune in disobedience the communistic permanent standing committee unshakable power. There goes the liberal democracy of customized pluralism. Double jeopardy, isn't it?
Cambodia Constitution has been very deceptive. It is unsubstantial and powerless. It commands no adherence from absolutists. The rulers habitually violate the parliamentarian privacy in hand showing vote on critically important matters especially if something had to do with opposing voice. One can't tell the difference in the government and the legislative or the judiciary. All are same persons in the name of people. So, the definition of people is the master of their country meant the selectively chosen few. The real people have no say so at all.
Finally, this is nothing new to Cambodia. It has been the inheritance from the Demi-God monarchial hypocrisy doctrine to the absolutist liberal democracy from 1975 to date. Therefore the Constitution in
Cambodia is a farce to its rulers. It does not hold esteem as much as expected. Most laws made for the rulers who preferably like to keep people in darkness all time. How can people trust own government that historically had never been respecting the laws?
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Opportunity Lost at Opportunity Cost
By Kok Sap, August 30,2006
In economic sense, Cambodia seems to go through own inner adversary, as each ruler stayed in each regime too long, the break out comes natural. Let's look back during Sihanouk rule especially before he called in Viet Cong to make selves at home along eastern region of Cambodia. What went wrong then?
It was a big news splash in 1967; the trio French educated red parliamentary members Hu Nim, Hou Yun, and Khiev Samphan escaped from Sihanouk arrest but were caught and executed on spot in Pich Nil. Sihanouk himself boasted incessantly and annoyingly on national broadcast just like Hun Sen is doing now about his General Heng Poev. Then the trio opposed Sihanouk economic dependency on foreign donations. Before that, Democratic Party led by Prince Yuthivong and Mr.Iev Keuss won election hands downs but Sihanouk managed to stay on top via violence which ended up killing Democracy movement leader late Mr.Iev Keuss with a hand grenade right inside the parliament chamber. The poor self righteous trio had involved in Democratic Party for extended degree before they, themselves, ended up with no choice but to run fast from Phnom Penh before Sihanouk's Gestapo and SS like agents of Kou Run and Om Manorin put hands on their necks.
Then, in Battambang, coincidentally the Samlaut and Wai Chab generational landowners led the uprising against Sihanouk's greedy governor land grabbing. This unexpectedly escalated to a life time opportunity cost for the leftist ideological revolt to rock Sihanouk stinging Isle of Peace at the opportunity lost. How precise this resemblance took form once again in 1997 for Hun Sen who thought his regime was about to be toppled by the legitimate UN recognized government of Sihanoukists. Not enough, Hun Sen ordered his confidant Generals to greet Sam Rainsy peaceful demonstration with 4-5 hand grenades right in front of the national Assembly, the very symbol of democracy and people. Unfortunately, the opportunity lost at all opportunity cost to all Sihanoukists and Sihanouk own double standard culture.
Now, the reflection is no difference from Sihanouk to Hun Sen dictatorship inclined rule. Both had manipulated and intimidated critics. Some of the hard cores were imprisoned for press coverage and legitimacy. Identically, the neo trio Sam Rainsy, Chea Poch, and Cheam Channy were stripped from positions. Later Cheam Channy was put in prison while Sam Rainsy ran back home in Paris at speed of Boeing for shadow government conspiracy. Moment later, Kem Sokha- the US IRI horse, Rong Chhun, Mam Sonando, and CPP sympathizer Yeng Virak were illegally imprisoned for asking questions about merit of illegal treaties and Viet Nam encroachment. Hun Sen was in madness, he arrested his black sheep Generals who professed in drug smuggling then stripped and attacked Rannridh personally while one hand caressing Sam Rainsy.
Now he is after Heng Poev who was paid $50 monthly salary with the outlandish saving in multi million dollars in Phnom Penh bank and abroad. Remember, the trio reds were Sihanouk decoys who later reunified and returned to kill off real nationalists in 1975. For Heng Poev lure, everyone should pay attention closely; Hun Sen had King in his panty pouch who could pardon Heng Poev any moment after his double agent mission finished abroad. Beware big or tiny fishes, before bite the lure. All must ask own instinct and good sensible judgment before jumping ,in full clothing, into Hun Sen boiling water pot. Remember, Hun Sen is a very good apprentice and talented follower of the Great One known as the Prince of Light and Prince of Darkness as Sir Milton Osborne, the historian and author, titled his book in honor of the Royal Highness.
Each Sihanouk and Hun Sen ploy to garner popularity from public and self perpetuating politic to convince the world is indistinctively. Both are more of hypocrite and despotic to sub degree than the conscionable citizen. During Sihanouk time, Cambodia was bankrupted and let lived by China aids. The governmental offices filled with corruptive and nepotistic clans. Then the Cambodia Universal Human Rights Suffrage under Geneva Convention auspicious was totally contemptible and disregarded. Those who dared to speak up would be penalized jail time or firing squad. My dearly fellows, this is exactly happening in Cambodia now. So what are you going to do to stop it once for all?
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Cambodia Circular Dance
By Kok Sap
Usual spat sarcasms from Sihanouk critics then, reastr ott bai a chhkuot lung chorl madai ram thaun hoy dei,kaen reastr pee sraer paerlaer lok thei, partisans choeung dei aing wai Baraing. I recalled back then, the unrepentant Cambodia's Father of Art and Culture had boasted over radio Phnom Penh and made it his culture proper campaign back in the 60's right after he staged, the invincible bare feet mixed outfits Chivapol (involuntary militia) armed with riffle made of Kapok , grand march on every known national routes. It was a false nostalgia.
For some reasons it was more entertaining for men group play. Especially, for those notable mighty Chivipol officers who had fell in deeply in Sihanouk war game scheme, would pay from own pocket to hire Chinese tailors to supply the black or light sage color outfits donned French male foreskin like beret in green or light red to impress upon fellows who barely could not afford daily meal. Some of these self important officers ego burst out his clothing seams as they were god sent comparable to Nazi SS officers toward fellows.
At the same stroke, his Majesty ordered every young woman, even in far remote hamlets, to learn the dog chasing its tail dance known as Ram Wong, in case of his Majesty visit region. Not every parent was crazy about it but their silent protest did not stop the ex-Chivipol officers who sometimes behaved worst than the Nazi Gestapo. The other few had secret wishes while enthusiastically allowed their blooming daughters to participate in such royal campaign to redeem Khmer art.
Well surely, in every of his royal visitation in the country, the National Radio Band of Manila Spaniard influenced tunes traveled with him at all times. Occasionally, the Pudgy Prince got off stage and led the dance with the hosting delegates own daughters and wives. The Pillsbury dough boy like ruler was beaming under the steaming heat.
Other hand, the poor and the resistant were chastised and fined for not involving in such daily game. My father happened to be one who refused to give in such silly royal games. The argument went what made the entrepreneurial Chinese or lineage so immune from not enlisted for post independence royal force show case? They lived off Cambodia for generation why special treatment still applied to them? My father said he had paid for the corruptive colonial government and Issarak Choar Puth Chhay extortion then, and now the kingdom government officials after Siam and French withdrawal. And now Sihanouk humiliated people with scandalous game ? The chief of village police squad went ahead to fine my father who had scolded the chief of police of his junior for such blindly support of the emotional heightened nonsense ploys of Sihanouk.
Every body seems to think the circular dance was actually the Khmer proper folk dance. Funny later, I had learned from friends from the respective region Laos, Siam, Dai of south China and regional Burma that such proper Khmer dance was also used in social gathering for those ethnic folks entertainment in every important annual event. That alone had confirmed how confused Sihanouk back then in term of national art. The man had no clue of such thing. This may not be important to some, but as ruler of the recovering nation, morally Sihanouk had not been so honest with himself all along. He was and still is the man who is responsible for the Cambodia endless woe. Seemingly his circular dance soon catches up with his hypocrisy.
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By Kok Sap
Victim of Cambodia Heinous Crimes
Hail the Exile National Coalition of Government of the Union of Burma and the Exile Government of Khmer Krom! It is an encouraging sign for Myanmar that we all grown to know it was the formally hermit Burma. In the 60's, it was an aspiration for Sihanouk, the stud Head of State of the Kingdom of Cambodia called the island of Pieces, who wanted himself to model after such a nation that has isolated its socialistic endeavor in the Buddhist saffron robes from outside world influences. It has been transformed slowly into the most absolute chaos and anarchy as the other federation member states such Shan or Mon declared own autonomy against the control of the federation dictatorial military junta organs death grip rule.
Look closely Cambodia had liberated itself from the destructive regime called monarchy once in 1970 but failed to sustain itself as its original culprit returned in April 1975 with massive murderous force to wipe out most of the progressive democratic Republic leaders and followers. Post1979 the remainder of the Republic idealists or fighters reemerged as one of the resistance factions with considerable human resource and number under Son Sann leadership to jointly resist Yuan occupation.
How misfortune to the surviving Republic fighters who had mistakenly joined force at the hypocrite lures of the others so called resistant fronts until most killed off before the demagogue monarch stood triumphantly proclaiming his second kingdom over millions of skull. Actually, Son Sann heart and head was Sihanoukist from the get going. He was the King's snake in the grass. Most of the aspired Republic fighters mistook him as the Republic rescuer. During the 80's, Son Sann secretively ordered the hardcore Republic idealists to be removed from becoming too strong. Eventually in 1993, Son Sann reversed his politic and later sold out the remainder of the Republic fighters to Sihanouk disposal again.
Fortunately some had chances to resettle in the third countries but the Republic network was sporadically and idly inactive. Presently most of the idealist movement leaders are in retiring age and some had died without seeing the dream realizing. It is frightening to think about it, as Cambodia returned to its second time round as monarchic regime at the whims of neo imperialist Hanoi, which the Republic had spilled blood from March 1970 to fend it off up to April 1975.
The handful Republic diehard idealists scattered around the globe, in hope, to reconnect one day soon. Momentarily our kin, from formally Preah Nokor known as Cochin China which was illegally ceded to Yuan Emperor Bao Dai as war trophy from French humiliated defeat in Dien Bien Phu, have courageously formed the Khmer Krom Exile Government as the legitimate voice to defend fellows from Viet suppression since the Cambodia Kingdom ignored their plight for too long of time.
To the surprise of the geopolitical pundits, the Phnom Penh dictatorial regime with its 26 members of Parliament at hand had denounced and demanded the Myanmar present regime in supporting of Dame Suu Kyi true democratic elected government to free people and nation from the despotic militant leaders. Remember not too long ago, the Cambodia own dictator Hun Sen was rubbing elbows with the Myanmar illegal junta Premier, General Soe Win, in his back yard. How could this abrupt reversal be credible since the ruler in Phnom Penh is still the same one who hugged and kissed the Yangoon-Myanmar tyrant?
To the reasonable doubt, suddenly the whirlwind is taking effect on the dictatorial regimes in Southeast Asia at the economic twist of ASEAN club. Seemingly it still has considerable clout and influence to abet the regional opposition legitimate and popular demand. From the courageous examples of Burma of Non Violent Dame Aung San Suu Kyi dream and Elderly Gentleman Thach Chan Khmer Krom of no choice is better to die free than to live the Yuan enslavement. Considering its swinging paradigm momentum, why the Khmer Republic idealists and enthusiasts aren't doing something?
The Cambodia situation is in dire need of reformation and systemic overhaul after Yuan influenced party ruled it for the last 27 years. The world can help but can't do the change for us. Time is essentially running forward as our respected Khmer Republic personalities are aging and yet the duty as the only alternative hope for the Cambodia majority is still dormant. The former Khmer Republic idealists and fighters alike shall join force in forming the exile government of ours to see to the unfinished task for the Cambodia alternative with hope, fraternity, justice, liberty and equality. Who knows may be this is the move that the Republic former ally, the US, is expecting to see happening. Over 30 years is too long enough of rest, the call to reconnect and reconvene for the sake of national respect and dignity for later generations is now. My dearly friends, wake up and listen to your inner calling.
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August 20, 2006
The Cambodia Untouchable Crimes
By Kok Sap
Present Cambodia is at the curse of its revision of proletariat revolutionary henchmen and despotic rulers. People life and hope is no value as highly profitable land at the foreign speculation. What a predicament, Yuan grabbed Khmer country land at its government willful endorsement while ruler Hun Sen agents unruly grabbed poor Khmer only survival patch for the rich foreign investors expansion.
No one seemed to know for certain how the few extra-ordinaires became so rapidly rich after the 1975 proletarian revolution swept Cambodia into apocalypse. Sihanouk’s DRK had abolished and destroyed everything then. 3 out of 7 people were killed during the Great Leap Movement under the Victorious Flag of Red Blood Revolution. That’s Sihanouk Victory. That’s Sihanouk’s pay back to those who dared to face his Viet Cong sponsored Marquis tyrants.
During the vacuum era from 1949 to 1979, the emerging few had wheeled tremendous power to put Cambodia in its present predicament. Seemingly they originated from two distinctive breed: criminal geniuses and dictatorial prodigies. Each seems to belong to one another. Above all, the miniature of Napoleonic complex, Sihanouk has had emerged supremely.
For almost 3/4 of century, all disastrous events weathered Cambodia at the ingenuity of a singular architect who seems to believe he is the indispensable multi façade demi-god. His lifelong Dracula agenda is to wipe out all the remains of his kills while insinuating the International sponsored Tribunal Chamber is a wasteful endeavor. He has portrayed the Tribunal Chamber as so despicably inhumane and atheistic to have kept on seeking justice for the unfortunate ones upon their evidential skeletons. He is totally beside himself when comes to people justice.
While he sings ,wines and dines comfortably in his holy like harem in plush quarter of Phnom Penh, thousands of his DRK survivors and offspring who lived nearby on underdeveloped patch lands are molested and chastised, killed, and robbed by his ultra loyal Marquis DRK clique hero namely Hun Sen henchmen. He is supporting the entire regime that is full of DRK atheistic and barbaric. In fact he could not careless but kept boasting and encouraging the hoodlum regime to sustain and suppress the survivors. How heinous and cruelest of a man of such stature.
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