Editorial | Articles about Cambodia | Khmer
Will US Domino Effect Theory Works This Time?
By Kok Sap
The enlightened Buddha Dhamma impermanency is all things master. It is universally proven. Once, Hun Sen was very proud and over confidence of his new found allies with neighboring countries leadership. He thought his rule will be unchallenged and permanent. But now it seems unconvincing as he is self concerned and sneakily maneuvering law to prevent the recurrence for his own head after witnessing his ally heads had dropped abruptly.
Thailand had just fired its popular tycoon Premier Thaksin Sinawatra at the blessing of its King. Last June 2005, Washington D.C was very cozy with Premier Phan Van Khai and pledged friendliness for Viet Nam new attitude. But then just days ago the little dragon, Viet Nam, had also sacked its Premier at the blessing of its VCP's Central Standing Committee. Cambodia has also pledged to support One China policy while it illegally occupied Tibet, a sovereign state, and both Korea relation. Any one can guess these moves tickle US geopolitical network as well.
Earlier in March, US Duck Dumbfelt and Candi Nouilles were frantic, after both embarrassingly failed to scrutinize China super mega budget for its military build up. Then last weeks US Congressional delegation made Hanoi visit then later in Summer Bush turn. Inadmissively US aimed to influence Viet Nam of new attitude as China horizon expanded. US has eyed North Korea TKO point for quite awhile but stalemate rests on China lap. That undoubtedly Viet Nam, with fifth largest army on planet can detract China in supporting US arm twisting maneuver.
In due necessity, US war fleet needs Viet Nam and Gulf of Siam open access as India and Pakistan may rear guard China while Afghanistan is already a land block to Russia in case of hell break lose over evil North Korea. Thus, Hanoi proved invaluable ally for US reentry to SE Asia. With that in mind Viet Nam yanked up its genius victor Vo Vien Giap who is much older instead of sacrificial Phan Van Khai to level with US. This proved correctly Yuon never abandoned its aged old hypocrisy, Khmer wise said.
Beside North Korea, Iran is also a lucrative client to China, France, and Russia nuclear technology. These three are main player in UN Permanent Security Council and yet rival of Iraq invasion and occupation. Also interestingly to note, now Iran is singled out as next testing ground for US war machines after Iraq. Its ambassador paid personal visit to Heng Samrin, in lieu of Hun Sen, with warmth near future state visit invitation.
As usual China is keen in its interest, thus it dispatched Hu JinTao personally to secure logistic check mate move with $600 million cash in advance to Nam Vang's Hun Sen. Before this trip, he had personally deliverance Khmer New Year well wishes to secure Mao long time pawn, Mr. Sihanouk, assurance already. At the same stroke, Hun Sen, still has key to arsenal of handheld missiles from USSR, and been an eminent ally to Myanmar Junta build up support and advocacy in ASEAN circle. Remember Myanmar has been and is a rogue state since its independence from England with strong leaning toward axis of evil Russia and the remaining communist nations.
In 60's Sihanouk was infatuated with Myanmar stoic and autocratic regime. He emulated Rangoon crab recipe once before for his own ruling too. Past time people thought Cambodia was a rotten carrot but time and recent history had changed its appearance drastically. Now, Hun Sen, is following such as path. With this, Cambodia may befallen in unpredictable saga once again after Sihanouk lonely the only war path to death once before.
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Without Economic Freedom, There is No Freedom
By Kenneth T. So
April 12, 2006
Human rights are very important for the dignity of a human being. However, a person cannot subsist and prosper on human rights alone. It must be accompanied by an economic freedom. Without the government reform to ameliorate the living standard of Khmer people, the respect for human rights alone is unacceptable because it still puts Cambodia into the category of a Third World country that depends on foreign handouts for its existence. Without economic freedom, there is no freedom.
The dispute between Kem Sokha, the leader of the Cambodian Center for Human Rights (CCHR), and Sam Rainsy, the leader of the political party SRP, may be an exercise in futility because they do not address the issue of economic freedom. Both groups are positioning themselves as the champion for human rights and democracy.
Kem Sokha can play a vital role in Khmer society by educating people about their rights. As the leader and activist of the organization, it is his duty to speak out against human rights abuses. However, he may have stepped over a boundary when he started to verbally attack the SRP of “selling out” to the CPP and abandoning its democratic principles in a public forum.
It is disingenuous on the part of Kem Sokha to claim the moral virtue while refusing to denounce the CPP with the same intensity as he had done to SRP. By engaging in a verbal attack on SRP, is CCHR essentially doing an indirect bidding for the CPP? CCHR prefers to attack SRP because it is easy and safe to do so since it carries no consequence for a punishment. It cannot be said the same if CCHR were to attack the CPP. After P.M. Hun Sen let Kem Sokha out of prison, it was therefore normal for this latter to take his anger on a high profile person or political party like the SRP.
Equally important it was a very clumsy move on the part of the SRP to withdraw its participation from the CCHR forums. If it was a misunderstanding between these two organizations, they must work things out quietly to everybody’s satisfaction instead of doing it in public.
Initially I thought that Kem Sokha may have the upper hand for the public opinion's support, but upon much reflection I believe he may have won the battle against Sam Rainsy but not the war. If Kem Sokha's attack and accusation of SRP as "selling out" to the CPP and abandoning its principles do not pan out as he has claimed, then in the long run he may lose his credibility. Additionally, Kem Sokha has to be very careful himself because his own words may one day come back to bite him if he is not careful of what he says. I take Kem Sokha at his own word and believe that he will not start a political party. I also give him the benefit of the doubt that he will not compromise with the CPP concerning his stance on human rights. For SRP, the best advice I can give is to remain above the fray and be honorable by not quarrelling in public in such a clumsy fashion. For SRP to capture the minds and hearts of freedom loving people, they must talk the talk and walk the walk.
Like many Cambodians, I am very disheartened by the dispute between SRP and CCHR. It is important that these two organizations talk to each other again, then kiss and make up. Both, Sam Rainsy and Kem Sokha are equally important for the continuing process of Cambodia's march toward democracy. These two men need each other because "L'Union fait la force." It is fallacious to think that one organization will become stronger at the expense of the other. SRP and CCHR are like the two faces of a coin that complement each other.
The dispute between SRP and CCHR may be due to some misunderstandings. Both, Sam Rainsy and Kem Sokha are very courageous and principled men. I truly believe both of them want to help Cambodia to achieve the goal of a democratic country. Kem Sokha can contribute to human rights reform while Sam Rainsy can push the agenda for the government to reform its economy as well as its judicial system. Democracy without economic freedom is only a half-baked bread.
I applaud Sam Rainsy for taking the initiative to talk to P.M. Hun Sen, which in my opinion is a sign of incoming Khmer political maturity. One must remember that Hun Sen is still the Prime Minister of Cambodia and it is necessary for Sam Rainsy, as a protocol and as a good politician, to make the first move to extend an olive branch to P.M. Hun Sen. The fact that two former bitter enemies were able to sit down across each other and carry a discussion is to me a sign of trying to apply democracy to resolve any lingering issues with civility.
One can still be an opposition party without being very confrontational. There are many ways to oppose the policy of the government, but being confrontational to the point of becoming enemies is not the best solution to solve any problems. We are all Khmers and we must learn to respect each other. We must not use vocabularies that are detrimental to our Khmer heritage. We were a civilized society and I still believe that we are honorable people that still have traditional values. The key to the rebirth of our Khmer civilized society will come in steps, and the most important one right now is to respect each other and learn to accept the difference.
The fact that P.M. Hun Sen agreed to sit down with Sam Rainsy for a 3-hours conversation after this latter came back to Cambodia showed to me that the Prime Minister respected Sam Rainsy as a person, which was in complete contrast to the Prime Minister’s action toward Norodom Ranariddh.
The Prime Minister may have an ulterior motive toward Sam Rainsy because unlike Norodom Ranariddh who makes himself enemy of the US, Sam Rainsy on the other hand is a good friend of the US and especially to US Senator John McCain who may possibly be the next president of the United States of America.
For Kem Sokha to criticize or condemn Sam Rainsy’s gesture of reconciliation with P.M. Hun Sen is a sign of immaturity and intolerance on his part. Sam Rainsy’s meeting with P.M. Hun Sen is comparable to US Senator John McCain’s delivering a commencement address next month to the Liberty University that is headed by the Christian conservative founder Reverend Jerry Falwell. The Republican senator who is not a darling of the religious conservatives had once denounced Reverend Falwell an “agent of intolerance.” Senator Mc Cain now stated, and correctly so, that he could speak at the university without embracing all of its values. In the same manner, Sam Rainsy can speak to P.M. Hun Sen without abandoning all his principles.
"Courage is what it takes to stand up and speak. Courage is also what it takes to sit down and listen."
The principles that we must espouse are the defense of human rights and the elimination (or alleviation) of corruption in Khmer society.
SRP is a political and opposition party that plays an important role in Khmer politics. CCHR is a human rights organization that complements SRP by educating people about their rights. However, CCHR does not have the monopoly on human rights advocacy because political parties like SRP can also play that role too. The radio station Sambok Khmaum of Mam Sonando also plays a vital role in educating people about human rights. There are also many NGO organizations that contribute in the field of human rights.
It is therefore dangerous for Kem Sokha to think that he is the only human rights voice for Cambodia. A tree does not make a forest. Sam Rainsy, Kem Sokha, and Mam Sonando just to name a few, need each other to be a strong voice and eye for our Khmer society. As a sign of maturity, it is important that Sam Rainsy and Kem Sokha extend an olive branch to each other. Why is it always easier for Khmer to talk to foreigners than to talk to our own kind?
Human rights without reform to Cambodia's economic system are only a false promise. It is therefore necessary for CCHR and SRP to cooperate as a uniting force to demand reforms from the government.
The new spirits of cooperation give the current government of P.M. Hun Sen and the opposition leader Sam Rainsy a window of opportunity to solve and resolve Cambodia's problems in a more practical manner that hopefully will benefit Cambodian people.
What are the problems in Cambodia and how should we prioritize them? Currently Cambodia's survival depends on the generosity of foreign aids. This is not the way to run a country. Cambodia’s main goal is to be self-sufficient in the very near future. The other problem facing Cambodia is the culture of rampant corruption that permeates through all levels of the society. There is also the problem of crimes committed with impunities. Cambodia's education system is still in its infancy and lacking far behind that of our neighbors. Some people may say that the immigration policy needs to be revised and Cambodia's frontiers with the neighbors still remain an issue. Others consider democracy to be the most important issue.
All the above are legitimate issues. Because of the lack of resources, it is therefore necessary that the current government of P.M. Hun Sen and the opposition party of Sam Rainsy as well as the Funcinpec party work together to come to a consensus on how to prioritize the problems and then take a practical approach on how to solve or mitigate them.
I am not an expert in policy making but as a trained engineer in systems management I like to break the problems into a manageable solution without losing sight of the holistic approach to the problems.
Cambodia has come a long way since the collapse of the Khmer Rouge regime. As an observer from far away I am very often frustrated with the pace on how Cambodia has made its stride toward democracy. However, democracy cannot come or succeed before people have achieved a certain level of education or a basic understanding of democratic principles. It is therefore very important that the government allows people like Kem Sokha to continue to do his work on human rights and educate people on democracy unhindered. Freedom of the press and the media must be preserved and people like Mam Sonando, the general manager of the Beehive radio station, must not be persecuted without proper cause.
The most important problem facing Cambodia right now is the lack of economic growth. In order for the economy to prosper we must be able to attract foreign investments to our country. For investments to take place, the investors must have confidence in our country that can provide a stable government and an abundant skilled and efficient labor force. Therefore, we must have a stable government coupled with spirits of cooperation between different parties and continued improvements in getting rid of corruptions, in reforming our educational system, in ameliorating human rights, in improving our judicial system, and in reforming some laws. All of these will take time but as long as we keep on improving the systems and moving forward it will then be acceptable to everybody. We are all impatient because that is the nature of human beings, but if we provide good planning we can achieve our goal.
Right now Cambodia can only provide low skilled labors. If Cambodia were to succeed in economic growth we must produce more medium and high skilled labors, both in the manufacturing and service sectors.
Cambodia must reform its educational system by having competent teachers in order to produce first rate students. We must set up an exchange program to send good students to the other countries for higher education.
Systematic corruption in the public as well as in the private sectors hampered or scared away potential investors in Cambodia. Doing business in Cambodia with the current culture of corruption is too expensive and risky.
The keys to our success will be based mainly on the following criteria:
1.Clean up corruption
2.Raise the level of education
3.Hire qualified workers
4.Stop practicing nepotism and cronyism
5.Streamline bureaucracy for efficiency and accountability
6.Eliminate duplicate functions and waste in government
7.Teach and implement code of ethics, both in school and in workplace
8.Provide a stable government based on the rule of laws
Nowadays Cambodia is so entrenched in corruptions that it becomes a new culture permeating in all levels of our society. Taking bribes are new habits that are very hard to break. No one person can solve this disease. It requires a strong will and resolves to take care of this problem. We are now at a cross road on how we want Cambodia to move forward.
We cannot fix everything all at once. We have to be realistic in our goals and approaches to the problems. Some may suggest that the problem of our frontiers is the most important thing facing the crisis in Cambodia right now.
I don't know how serious is P.M. Hun Sen in wanting to clean up corruptions, but I hope he meant what he said. He is the only person that may be able to do it if he is really sincere in his conviction to clean up corruption. Our system for corruption is so entrenched right now that it is hard for anybody to do it alone. It requires everybody’s cooperation to get the job done.
Let's hope that P.M. Hun Sen is sincere about his latest overture with Sam Rainsy. There are some signs showing that P.M. Hun Sen may be changing if one analyzes his speech carefully. At least he seems to try to denounce corruption and incompetence in the government. These topics were off limits for discussions before but now P.M. Hun Sen has allowed it to be brought up to the forefront. Hopefully people in Cambodia are more encouraged to do something about it.
True intention for reform accompanied by a genuine action is the best gift that the government of P.M. Hun Sen can give to Cambodia for the New Year.
Human rights and democracy are important but without economic freedom, there is no freedom.
John Kennedy once said, "A rising tide lifts all boats." If Cambodia becomes prosperous, then all Cambodians will also profit from it.
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March 10, 2006
Number ONE BIG Brother, Keng Van Sak
By Kok Sap
Amidst false pluralism of flamboyant King Sihanouk and cronies such as Nhiek Tioulong,Sam Sary,Lon Nol's Renovation Party, and Khim Tit's National Union Party efforts, the dynamic Democrats Party defeated Sihanouk schematic pants down.Thus de Paris opportunistic Marxists be a Roman in Rome in order to gain credibility. Not a co-incident the future Democratic Kampuchea Saloth Sar and his mentors, Keng Van Sak and Thioun Mumm, affiliated themselves with Democrats Party. This most secretive mild manner of soft words aliased Pol Pot, later became horrific Brother One, the boss of Kampuchea Communist Party, openly in late 1977. His name is synonymous of Killing Fields.
From historians recounts Brother One was mentored by other Big Brothers in communist movement back in Paris. One of them was no one else but the philogician Keng Van Sak who was nicknamed as King Van Sak by the demagogue leader Sihanouk because of their indifference in political logics. In his youth, Keng Van Sak was one of the staunchest anti-American agitators beside Polytechnicien Thioun Mumm, the early ultra left leader of Communists in France in the mid 1940's.There were several accounts noted Thioun family and siblings intimate involvement in the revolution. But for time being, the topical focus here is Professeur Keng Van Sak.
Post Geneva Conference Sihanouk primary rival was Democrats Party. In spite of its weakness due to internal quarrels after three years away from power but it still viewed as the best organized political party. Many younger Democrats opposed the apparently pro-US policies Sihanouk had been following since Geneva and argued that Cambodia should be neutral in its alignments. They shared this line with the pro-communist party that had just taken shape in Cambodia, known as Krom Pracheachon or People's Group. Cambodia hard core communist party, founded in 1951, remained concealed from view.
Younger Democrats move their own party to the left in 1954, pushing such stalwarts as Sim Var and Son Sann aside and replacing them with anti monarchic neutralists like Keng Vannsak and Svay So and with even more radical figures, including Thiounn Mumm, then a member of the French Communist Party. Leftists Keng Van Sak and Thioun Mumm (Big Brother II), former students in France, who had decided to infiltrate a legal party that was, at least, already sympathetic to republican ideas and opposed to Cambodia's developing links with the United States, Milton Osborne Sihanouk Prince of Light Prince of Darkness, and p.88. Mumm cooperated with Saloth Sar, who had spent some months in the Vietnamese marquis in 1953-54, to coordinate the Democrats tactics with those of Pracheachon. p.188 D Chandler, A History of Cambodia, 2nd edition
Students in the capital, infected with what later French called the virus of independence, including such Cambodia future radicals Keng Vannsak, Rath Samoeun, and Ieng Sary as well as more conservative figures like Douc Rasy, Norodom Kantol, and Long Boret. D. Chandler, the Tragedy of Cambodian History Politics, War, and Revolution since 1945, p.36. Keng Vannsak a student of Cambodian philology was three years older than Saloth Sar. Having arrived in Paris in 1946, fresh from his baccalauréat, he was to play a key role among Cambodian students. Like Cambodia's only polytechnicien, Thiounn Mumm, who had preceded him to France by several months, Vannsak acted as an older brother (BIG Brother) for students from Cambodia, many of whom he had known in the 1940 at the Lycée Sisowath.
As a linguist and scholar of Cambodian literature, he gained an intellectual reputation similar to the one Thiounn Mumm enjoyed among scientists, mathematicians, and engineers. In his philological work, Vannsak tried to uncover pre-Buddhist, pre-Sanskrit layers of Cambodian vocabulary and cultures. The idea that Cambodia could and should be cut off from other cultures persisted in many Cambodian regimes and resurfaced not only in the Khmer Republic, but also among some Vannsak's disciples of Democratic Republic Kampuchea.
The pace of radicalization among Cambodians in France quickened when two students from Lycée Sisowath, Rath Samoeun and Ieng Sary, arrived in October 1950.Soon after their arrival, they began to participate in an informal Marxist studies circle that met at Vannsak's apartment in the 15th arrondissement(in Paris). The circle and others like it were associated with the groupes des langues set up in 1949 by the CPF among foreign students and workers. Vannsak group had no formal links with the CPF party according to author D. Chandler, the Tragedy of Cambodian History Politics, War, and Revolution since 1945, p.52.
In conclusion his doctrine and ideology Esprit de Khmer influenced many of emerging intellectual class of Cambodia post colonial rule. His anecdotal analysis turned a trendy movement that contributed destitution to Cambodia in later years. Many of them are in late 60 and early 70 in age now who either served DRK or later PRK regime. Also he was known as the perverse provocateur that had feuded with both Cambodia home grown linguistic researcher and scholar Abbot Chuon Nath and former King Sihanouk.
In traditional saying those can't learn teach. Infatuatedly he seemed to boast his Khmerlogy in French cuisine. What he says and does is two different things. Intuitively his home life seemed hypocritical to his love Khmer teaching. Today included those; never had formal relations with him; profess to eulogize his hidden extreme radicalism. After all Democratic Kampuchea leadership might not exist if it wasn't for King Van Sak groupe de langue sessions en Karl Marx early years in Paris. Khmer saying chress mauk pee daek therefore, history must grant the honorific Number One BIG Brother to teacher as well as Brother One title to his devoted apostle.
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Open Letter to the Honorable Norodom Sihanouk
Official Residence,
15 Dong Jiao Min Xiang
Beijing 100006, China
Dear Sir:
As you are well informed, for almost two full centuries ago Khmer people and nation had been dispirited and disunited at the foreign subjugations. Subsequently during your years at the helm, governments had failed to defend and protect national sovereignty and territory as well. It is undesirably painful and intolerable to learn miles and miles of west and east regions of present Khmer land had been illegally ceded and transferred to neighboring nation’s ownership as a tribute for the abatements of the previous ruling regime political in fights. Up to present, Cambodia governments had violated own integrity and dignity. They had cheated Cambodia citizen justice and righteousness. However, history seems to impress upon our cognizance you are the person responsible for all undue justice and fate of our fallen loved ones and generations.
Per your regular claims, Cambodia current government commanded no respect and dignity from others.Routinely you have consistently reminded people of shame which each of us bear as a beggar nation that allowed abuses and misuses other nations' generosity. Also you were made aware the serious violation of human rights and international mandates set by UN at your very signature in Paris 1991. Yet you have arbitrarily indulged merits to ensure such government legitimacy and wrongdoings. Therefore, our nation and people are held hostage and impeded at your very guaranty.
In the pursuance of the promulgated Kingdom II 1993 Constitution Chapter III-articles 31, 39, 41, and 49; as a citizen and ruler; hereby personally you owe opportunity to resolve all Khmer suffering, injustice and particularly very assurance of monarchy mutuality and continuation of your remaining time. Equally on behalf of heritage, as a son and a citizen of the nation, I am morally obligated to express my true concerns as follow for your consideration:
1 - Cambodia government shall be honorably to fulfill own budgetary contribution to implement Khmer Rouge Tribunal expenditures,
2 - Proclamation April 17, 1975 as a day of national mourning and commemoration day for victims of Cold war and Viet Nam transgression,
3 - Demand UN intervention and world court rule over Cambodia dispute boundary with neighbors.
4 - Rescind treaties that infringed determination of national territory and sovereignty.
5 - Restore human rights with guaranty from government in accordance with UN suffrage.
Sir, this may seem selfish and profane but there is no better way in frankness between fellow citizens. The shallowness and hypocrisy is mere unnatural and disrespectful. As you may know; in any unforeseen circumstances; your hard fought reconciliation and unification will be only a waste done by none of foe but your own especially those of FUNC and comparable monarchists. Worst the innocent generations will bear the unforgivable brunt and shame. That considers unkindly burden left by underachieving father of yours.
I trust you will use your utmost love and conscionable judgment to safeguard the innocents and the less fortunate people in Cambodia. May good health, peace, and love indulge you and yours in the up coming Khmer New Year celebration and thereafter.
Sincerely
Kok Sap
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March 31, 2006
The Honorable Chea Sim
Executive President of
Pact Pracheachon Kampuchea
Dear Sir,
For the longest, you have placed confidence and duty in Mr. Hun Sen as the sole decision maker upon million lives. For your information, thing may seem acceptable but the reality is Cambodia is no less than a leech that lives off someone else blood. Other nations laughed and insinuated Khmers are lazy and irresponsible. I find it unsettling and contemptible of such statement. It is my deep pain and concern to apprize you. According to press, Mr. Hun Sen breaches 1991 Paris Accord wishes at the regular basis when comes to his own failures. This has not gone unnoticed; therefore, I wish to raise this matter to your attention for immediate intervention.
Sir, this letter is an open communication between fellow citizens and leader such yourself. As you may know, Cambodia regained respect and recognition from the other nations through UN relentless effort and vast financial assurance. This is very important for our country survival and respect. I am certain that you wish no less for Cambodia; however; Mr. Hun Sen long overdue leadership is indicative of despicable regress among other nations evaluation.
Through his leadership, Cambodia is seen as a primitive and backward nation. Among many world leaders and respected presses, Mr. Hun Sen shouldn't have brought Cambodia the least respect to its most generous supporter such as UN. Habitually, he is evermore vocally undiplomatic and uncivil. This is important that you, as his immediate superior, call upon his immediate attention before the world sanctioned our needy nation privilege and survivability.
Sir, you can't agree less, Cambodia is mild manner nation with strong tradition of unassertiveness but fatal passive aggression. This introvert self destruction attitude got to halt at your command. You may have been informed already of Mr. Hun Sen unreasonable and to the extent of ungrateful gestures toward world diplomats. Many critics and donors are at caveat of Mr. Hun Sen personal and crony rapid wealth. Thus his morality and integrity is in question too.
Lately, Mr. Hun Sen behaves abrasively and crudely. This is essentially unbecoming as a nation leader dignity and integrity. This is critically insensitive and overbearing of a leader conduct. It is dangerous to people and nation. He has brought embarrassment and disrespect upon nation. Please reflect on this and do not allow one person incivility destroying culture of respect for millions.
No body knows the agony and pain that each poor citizen bears as misfortune in life is stagnant under his short sight leadership.Also many know your struggle and spirit is not just for one person or family happiness but shall be the entire population. Evidently twenty years is too long of time under Mr. Hun Sen stewardship, but poverty and injustice is increasing in folds every step out of the way. People lost land to powerful and riches. Human rights is sham turned magnetic force for unwanted attention from the world. Yet Mr. Hun Sen continues to do just that. Certainly it is a paramount responsibility in your behalf to risk Cambodia fragile peace and slight prosperity at one person negligence. But it does not make sense to allow it to go on unchecked.
Please let me close with our Khmer saying Som dei sar cheat marayiat sar pouch, which I find it rings true in all human. Our nation dignity and respect is reflected upon its leader conduct, but unfortunately not in Mr. Hun Sen case. The man possesses poor taste in civil culture and protocol, which down grade esteem of your personal and party discretion. This must not be condoned and tolerated accordingly.
Sir, therefore, your action and consideration is vital to our nation future; please consider an alternate and sensible person to be at the helm in 2008 if your CPP will be successful in election. Mr.Hun Sen is too unbecoming and irrational anymore. May I wish you good health and longevity as Khmer New Year celebration is approaching .
I thank you kindly for your time and consideration.
Sincerely,
Kok Sap
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THE FORGOTTEN HOLOCAUST
BY VIRAK PRAK
Can you taste it? Can you taste it in the air,
The unforgettable bitterness of which we call despair.
As millions were murdered in the land of the Khmer.
A genocide, which sits in history gathering dust.
Most can't recall the battle's deathly must.
As my people lay unremembered a drop in the ocean.
It seems that mass murder causes little commotion.
In a world desensitized by everyday death,
Can you smell it? Can you smell the dying's last breath?
Skulls scattered in ponds and sown in the soil,
And from the world was little recoil.
For years people suffered in the fields of the killing,
Just another body, just some more blood spilling.
Blood on the hands of he who dare grip mortality;
His name Pol Pot the man with the greatest audacity.
The brother who killed hundreds of his own kin,
He has no remorse morbid signs of a grin.
To claim he works for the good of a nation
Lives just a minor consequence in his “brilliant" reformation.
People just eggs who will inevitably be broken,
Each killing is just natural like words being spoken.
Groups, no crowds, lined up to be murdered,
Eight people with one shot so less bullets need be ordered.
Drowning them in puddles and beating them with batons,
His soldiers, children of death and pitiless drones.
Young boys killing women as old as their mother,
Blinded by loyalty not realizing it's each other.
Killing children and babies and mothers and fathers.
My sister. Your brother. Their sons. Our daughters.
Undiscriminating murder and ropes and beatings were common
And if they tried to plea for mercy it would be no problem.
Just sit them in a pond and tie a bag over their head.
And you can't talk now if you're dead.
Imagine a mother watching the death of her children,
Tied up with flesh burning rope and skinny with malnutrition.
Their toes being salted and cut open with a dirty knife.
Picture when the four letter word P-A-I-N becomes your life.
Can you see it? Can you comprehend being tortured as they laugh?
Now imagine walking through a paddy and hearing a jagged crack.
You lift your foot to find your brother's broken bones,
Didn't even know he had died and to find out in this tone.
You were just talking with him, ago, it was not long.
He was obviously killed while you were gone.
You shut his eyelids and untie a cord from around his neck,
You hold back the tears so the soldiers won't come check.
So they won't see and kill you too.
You ask him for forgiveness then rip out a gold tooth. ,
The gold will help you feed your very sick mom,
Giving her strength to run away with you
From the land that you call home.
She's too old as it is too work under these conditions,
suffering from arthritis a debilitating position.
You work and think about the Nixon Breakfast Operation, which dropped
tons of napalm shells,
In fact they're probably the reason for the war itself.
Can you hear it? The screams of children and infants as you run through
the jungle.
Sneaking out at night and this time the trouble's double.
You're reassured for a second not hearing a thing,
But then it fires out an explosive ring.
A mine, a souvenir from the Vietnam war,
Killing two infants and a boy, mutilated remains splashed on the floor.
A mother runs to the children and lifts her babies heads;
Frantically yelling and screaming trying to wake them from dead.
Her tears stream down as she cradles them next to her chin.
Later killing herself to join her babies again.
On the way, your mother dies of pneumonia and of cold,
Now you look back on the story that your life has told.
You lived a life of hell, burning, agonizing, and rotten,
To only wake up to see the genocidal horror has been forgotten.
How does that feel?
Courtesy of THE SCHOLASTIC ART & WRITING AWARDS
COALITION in WRITING ANTHOLOGY 2000
Author: Virak Prak, 13
Genre: M
School: Bay Point Middle School, St. Petersburg, Florida
Teacher: Renee O'Brien
Award: American Voices Award Medal
Category: Poetry
Ceremony: Kennedy Performance Art Center in Washington D.C
Date: March,2000
Note: This is for informational and educational purpose.
Author was born to Cambodia killing fields survivor family.
His poem was dedicated to his family and Cambodia Killing Fields /US
Bombardment victims and survivors memory.
The author voiced out his pains and agony over how lesser human of
Cambodia to US.In reality US Justice was far more reserved than he thought.
Not a coincident, US denied Cambodia humanity and justice.
In a child eyes, it saddened to see injustice in US Justice was shied
away under the veil of color preference and prejudice.
Sumitted by - kok...@yahoo.com Wed, 5 Apr 2006 06:59:38 -0700
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March 8, 2006
Miracle, 36 Years after Khmer Republic
By Kok Sap kok...@yahoo.com
From late 1968 on, US President Nixon got secret nod from Kingdom of Cambodia mercurial Prince Sihanouk to bomb Viet Cong sanctuaries along eastern border of his Kingdom. The bombardment classified Operation Menu Breakfast, Lunch, and Dinner featuring Napalms spiced up in Orange Agents from B-52 high altitude cooks and unauthorized incursions. Due to his poor suicidal diplomacy, Prince laid duty on his old buddy General Lon Nol to lead the National Salvation Government in 1969. Eventually in early 1970, Prince fled country under faked pretenses before popular demands removed him from duty on 18th March 1970. He was sentenced in absentia of treachery in abatement and harboring enemies. Then the Viet Cong undeclared war took toll on Cambodia.
The omnivorous Professor Kissinger, 1973 Nobel Peace Price recipient and Le Duc Tho ancien ami, enforced his schematic ultimatum on Khmer Republic then on its own but to surrender unconditionally to Prince Beijing based government. Coldheartedly US left its cold war accomplice, Khmer Republic to the bloody Prince Regime and rebels. The Prince was bloody mad and avenged people on the 17th April 1975. Over 1/3 of Cambodia total population then plus civilization took toll at his absolute directives. Cambodia turned isolated open killing fields. From that day on Cambodia had never been the same.
The event was the Miracle on Mekong River, B-52 bomb crates scarred Khmer Republic beneath scattering millions skeleton and starving slave feet. On the 7th January 1979, the same Viet Cong regiments returned and claimed over its invasion and occupation of former Khmer Republic in the world sent mission to topple murderous regime of the Prince. Vet Cong replaced the Prince clique with own remaining Viet Minh People Revolution disciples.
From 1979, over half million destitute and distraught survivor never turned back and sought out permanent refuge overseas at the UNHCR and humanitarian nation mercy. Others were caught in resistance and Khmer Rouge controls. Eventually the remaining were sent back to Cambodia under Viet Nam’s PRK communist government before 1993 UNTAC arrival.
Once again, the bloody murderers rule the victims whose justice is still in limbo up to now. The mercurial and heinous criminal Prince has been re-enthroned and unmolested as King second time around at the UN perpetuated choreographic. To date it has been 36 years passed but appallingly the humanity of Cambodia still is under injustice and hopelessness.
People never changed that’s Hanoi miracle in Nam Tien’s Nam Vang moi.
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Seeing through Hun Sen
Sources: http://www.thestandard.com.hk
The wily Cambodian prime minister has long held power by playing a cruel but effective psychological game with his opponents. Unsurprisingly, few are convinced that his latest gesture of reconciliation toward them is genuine, writes Vaudine England
Saturday, February 25, 2006
The wily Cambodian prime minister has long held power by playing a cruel but effective psychological game with his opponents. Unsurprisingly, few are convinced that his latest gesture of reconciliation toward them is genuine, writes Vaudine England
A lmost overnight, Cambodia changed from a country where most of its opposition voices were in jail or exile to one where Prime Minister Hun Sen was loudly announcing an outbreak of peace.
Earlier this month he spoke at length of the "71-hour" outburst of "national reconciliation" in which "Cambodian talked to Cambodian" and solved the country's problems. Just like that.
By February 10, the seal on the apparent outbreak of peace and kindness was set by the return to Cambodia of opposition party leader Sam Rainsy.
He had been in self-imposed exile for a year but, in carefully arranged phone calls and letters, he had apologized to Hun Sen and promised a new non- confrontational attitude, getting a royal pardon in return.
A few thousand ecstatic supporters greeted his return, as they had greeted the releases from jail of his colleague Cheah Channy, radio journalist Mam Sonando, union leader Rong Chhun, and human rights advocates Kem Sokha and Pa Nguon Tieng. United States assistant secretary of state Christopher Hill had visited Cambodia in mid- January and requested the releases, adding his voice to a chorus of complaint at the crackdown.
It was another "miracle on the Mekong," in the wry words of a Cambodian diplomat.
In Cambodian geo-politics, the phrase "miracle on the Mekong" deliberately recalls in satirical tone the judgment of US Congressman Stephen Solarz on the July 26, 1998 elections. Despite massive intimidation, human rights abuses and perversion of the democratic process, Solarz judged the elections then as free and fair because more than 90 percent of the electorate still dared to vote.
Later forced to temper his claim of a miracle, Solarz pointed out that most people had voted against premier Hun Sen, but a split of the opposition between Prince Norodom Ranariddh's Funcinpec Party and the Sam Rainsy Party deprived them of victory.
Critics of Hun Sen, his Cambodian People's Party (CPP) and of Solarz, argued that far from being a miracle, talk of a free vote was a travesty.
"What took place in Cambodia on July 26 [1998] may not have been, as I had originally hoped, a `miracle on the Mekong,' leading to a new birth of democracy and reconciliation in that troubled land. But it would be unfair to the millions of Cambodians who had the courage to vote to dismiss it as a totally illegitimate electoral charade," Solarz wrote in September 1998.
Observers are faced with much the same dilemma now.
It seems good news that the clutch of opposition figures and human rights activists are now out of jail. It is also reassuring when a country's leader says he "needs opposition voices" and wants Cambodians to unite to solve their problems.
But the miracle is most probably a mirage, agree diplomats, analysts and even participants in the latest Cambodian drama.
Look at the pattern provided by history, advises Pa Nguon Tieng, a director of the Cambodian Center for Human Rights and of the Voice of Democracy radio station.
The key to it all is that Hun Sen always comes out on top. He does by first repressing then appearing to offer a hand of friendship to whomever his opponents are at the time. It's a twisted act of conflict resolution: The conflict is created by the person who then offers the resolution.
"I think Hun Sen has had a lot of experience [playing persecutor-rescuer]. He understands what will benefit him in terms of conflict resolution," Pa Nguon Tieng says.
"Look at 1993 - he faced lots of problems when he was in power in a coalition with the Royalists, leading to the bloody coup of 1997. Since then, all power has been concentrated in his hands alone.
"But he had lots of international problems, even from within Asean [the Association of Southeast Asian Nations] and the people here were in strife, very poor and crying out for food.
"So he came up a plan to bring all sides of politics back to the country to participate in the 1998 elections. The international community accepted it and new aid flowed in to hold the election, helping legitimate his rule.
"Most recently the government took violent action against the human rights community, put us in jail and again drew negative reaction. So once more he had to reopen dialogue," recounts Pa Nguon Tieng.
He seems a gentle, hopeful man, and takes all this as a sign that Hun Sen is learning something. He is prepared to wait and see if Hun Sen's current outburst of reconciliation will last or prove to be just another trick.
"I hope he has learned and that the arrests shouldn't happen again," he says. But few others are are prepared to give Hun Sen the benefit of the doubt.
A Western diplomat says: "Hun Sen is manipulating everybody, so everybody is beholden to him. He is positioning himself and others to play them all off against each other."
Precisely how the current drama began and is played out reveals key themes in Cambodian political life, from sensitivity over its weakness relative to its powerful neighbors of Vietnam and Thailand, to the dominant role of Western support for democracy in the impoverished country.
Back in 1993, the United Nations administration in Cambodia - which was supposed to disarm all factions, from the murderous Khmer Rouge to the Vietnamese-backed Hun Sen regime - made do with pronouncing a free election. It then stood by while the election victor, Prince Ranariddh and his Funcinpec Party, went into coalition with Hun Sen who then proceeded to abrogate power. Murder, intimidation, secession threats and more marked the body politic.
"Cambodians had seen [former King] Sihanouk and [his son] Ranariddh bow to the election losers, share power with them, and adopt avidly their undemocratic and corrupt ways," wrote long-term observer Henry Kamm in his 1998 book Cambodia, Report from a Stricken Land.
With the elite proving such a disappointment, Kamm reckons the most lasting contribution of the UN presence in Cambodia was the handful of private human rights organizations it left behind. These groups are now performing the role that opposition parties should be playing - educating people about rights and advocating peaceful change - while the personalities and parties of Cambodia's mainstream politics remain mired in conflict.
By the mid 1990s, Funcinpec's respected finance minister Sam Rainsy had quit the ruling coalition after being stripped of his post for outspoken criticism of corruption at all levels of government. He now leads the Sam Rainsy Party, which remains in some disarray following his year-long absence. Competition meanwhile had begun between Ranariddh and Hun Sen in seducing aging leaders of the Khmer Rouge to their side. Splits, be they real or created, among the old guard of the Khmer Rouge led to the "arrest" of Pol Pot by his brutal colleague, the one-legged Ta Mok. The legendary Brother Number One, Pol Pot, was dead by April 1998.
This was national stability achieved at last, according to the Hun Sen lexicon.
Last year, Hun Sen again invoked the issue of national stability when he sought to clarify the country's border with Vietnam, once and for all. The deal signed in October between Hun Sen and the government which first put him in power sparked off the latest round of trouble however.
The apparently visceral hatred of Vietnam among some Cambodians is often used by politicians to whip up passions, and the border deal provoked public outrage, dramatic media coverage and rising tension. This gave Hun Sen the opportunity to arrest activists and journalists: Mam Sonando of Beehive Radio was accused of provoking conflict with neighboring countries, and rhetoric on a banner at rallies in December - that Hun Sen had "sold" land to Vietnam, that he was a "second Pol Pot" and had "blood on his hands" - was pretext for scooping up popular rights advocate Kem Sokha.
The border law has since been passed, and signed into effect by King Sihamoni (Sihanouk's successor in the palace).
"That's why Hun Sen could release Kem Sokha and the others," judges Pen Samitthy, editor of the biggest circulation newspaper in Cambodia, the Rasmei Kampuchea Daily.
Aware of Rainsy's urgent need to return to Cambodia to rescue his political career, Hun Sen was similarly able to reach out to him in exile in Paris.
"I need him to come back. I need opposition views because sometimes my officials lie to me. I do not want to go ahead alone. If I go alone it is like being on a horse without holding the reins," said Hun Sen on February 6.
Out of jail and now back in the offices of his Beehive Radio, Sonando remains unimpressed.
"Hun Sen is clever. When he is in deadlock, with nowhere to go, he solves problems like this to maintain power," he says. "He is like a talented circus performer."
The political procedure, Sonando explains, is similar to being robbed of something and then having to feel grateful after being allowed to buy it back.
"It's not only me. Everyone in Cambodia has to pay bribes and say thank you for things which should be ours free, as a right."
He is grateful, however, to be out of jail and thanks Hun Sen for "taking the route of Cambodian talking to Cambodian" in arranging the return of Rainsy. "Compromise is better than confrontation, so I think we can solve problems step by step," Sonando says.
Crucially, a key event on March 30, 1997, which all independent observers agree was initiated by Hun Sen, has now become a non-issue in the latest reconciliation. On that day, Rainsy and about 200 followers were holding a peaceful demonstration in front of the National Assembly to demand an independent judiciary. Four grenades were lobbed into the crowd, killing at least 15 people and wounding more than 100. The culprits escaped thanks to intervention by CPP troops.
Rainsy blamed Hun Sen for the attack, and Hun Sen blamed Rainsy for trying to discredit the ruling party. Through all the ups and downs, the increasing militarization of politics since March 1997, the 2003 elections and more, that accusation has been sacrosanct for the opposition.
Yet in Rainsy's apology prior to his pardon which allowed him to return safely to Cambodia this month, he specifically retracts his accusation that Hun Sen was responsible for the grenade attack.
This turnaround alone may fatally damage his standing as an opposition leader and all eyes are now on Rainsy and his party.
"I think Sam Rainsy has lost credibility already, not just because of the latest compromise but because of his changing behavior. But he may restore his credibility through his actions should he tell the truth about what the government does," judges Pa Nguon Tieng.
He says his colleague at the Cambodian Center for Human Rights, Kem Sokha, is a different man to Rainsy, and not a competitor for Rainsy's position as the only figure capable of standing up to Hun Sen.
"We are happy to work in civil society rather in a political party. We are just trying to spread information and the spiritual power of human rights and democracy," says Pa Nguon Tieng.
Kem Sokha, in person, is somewhat less modest.
He couldn't resist the classic politician's line - "if my people need me" - suggesting that if there was a strong call for him to wrest opposition reins from an enfeebled Rainsy's hands, then he would take on the mantle of history to do so.
At least Kem Sokha managed to avoid apologizing to Hun Sen. Indeed, he claims that his own and the other releases, and even the return of Rainsy, were all thanks to his intercessions with Hun Sen who, he says, called him several times a day in prison.
"I told him, if you want to rule the country longer you must support civil society. He will not change easily but I tried to change his mind," Kem Sokha says.
A politician before he turned to the human rights movement, Kem Sokha now claims he has two million supporters across the country and that Hun Sen has recognized his clout. Analysts agree that Kem Sokha remains a strong possible successor to Rainsy as opposition icon.
The upshot of it all is that Ranariddh's Funcinpec, the official ally of Hun Sen in government, now fears it may not be needed any more (or be allowed access to the perks and benefits of rule) if Hun Sen brings Rainsy on side. A hint of this tension was evident even before Rainsy landed at Pochentong Airport when Funcinpec Radio aired a commentary which described Rainsy as a habitual liar who had left his party members feeling hopeless.
"It's the same old fighters fighting the same old battles. . It's a matter of destabilizing the opposition, keeping them off balance, so that Hun Sen can reintroduce the facade of democracy when it suits him," a Phnom Penh- based diplomat said.
An important bone of contention remains however - the criminal defamation law that allows the courts to bring suits against opposition figures whenever it chooses (or is told to do so).
The law is an unfortunate legacy of the UN's tenure in Cambodia. It was first instituted to dampen abuse between political parties ahead of the 1993 election but has since become a tool of repression in Hun Sen's hands.
"We are trying to change the law because it is being used to silence critics; it is a very bad law that severely limits freedom of expression," Ou Virak, general secretary of the Alliance for Freedom of Expression in Cambodia told the Phnom Penh Post.
He hopes the law will be a major topic at the forthcoming Consultative Group meeting of donors this week.
Yash Ghai, a former Hong Kong University law professor who is now the UN Special Representative to Cambodia on Human Rights, agrees the law must go: "The combination of a rather loosely drafted law and the relative lack of independence and competence of the judiciary means that such laws can be used to harass political opponents and suppress freedom of expression."
Perhaps more revealing of the abiding concerns of ordinary Cambodians is the fact that circulation of the leading Rasmei Kampuchea Daily goes up when its front page stories are not about elite politics, but when coverage is focused on the recent arrests of 10 senior policemen accused of being paid assassins.
"People follow this story because they support this action [the arrest of police]. They know the police and the courts are corrupt. This is what increases circulation here, not stories about Kem Sokha and Sam Rainsy," newspaper editor Pen Samitthy says.
Cambodian reconciliation is not a miracle yet, but not entirely a mirage either.
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The Daily Star, Bangladesh - 4 Jan 06
The view from Phnom Penh
Verghese Mathews
This has not been a good year at all for the opposition Sam Rainsy Party though it has turned out to be much better than expected for the dominant Cambodian People's Party of Prime Minister Hun Sen and its coalition partner in government, the royalist Funcinpec, headed by Prince Norodom Ranariddh.
Meanwhile, newly crowned King Norodom Sihamoni manifested a regal decorum and a quiet charm that quickly endeared him especially to the common folk"the little people" as his father, ex-King Sihanouk, was wont fondly to refer to them.
Hun Sen, Ranariddh and Rainsy have, over the years, all played centre stage with varying degrees of success and failure. In the process they have raised debilitating politicking and disruptive one-upmanship into a fine art.
Notwithstanding this, there has been a gradual maturing of the political styles in the past year. Old-fashioned politicians who were rewarded for past services are being slowly replaced by more educated and competent young politicians and technocrats who are able to address complex challenges and relate equally well to the increasing numbers of potentially troublesome unemployed youths moving to the cities and towns.
This evolving change in the political party scene has gone largely unnoticed as all focus has been on the main players. Not surprisingly, despite the infusion of the new blood, the infighting, the factionalism and the one-upmanship of Cambodian politics continue.
Looking back at 2005, King Sihamoni has undoubtedly emerged as the best-loved figure, with Hun Sen clearly the strongest of the leaders while Ranariddh has surprised his detractors as a deft survivor and a practical politician.
Rainsy is indisputably the main loser. This was sealed on December 22 when a Cambodian court found him guilty on two counts of criminal defamation and sentenced him in absentia to 18 months in prison for remarks he made against Hun Sen and Ranariddh. Rainsy, who has been in self-exile in Paris following the removal of his parliamentary immunity from prosecution in February, refused to attend the trial.
Rainsy was alleged to have accused Hun Sen of being involved in a 1997 grenade attack on an opposition rally that resulted in 19 deaths. He was also alleged to have accused Ranariddh of having accepted substantial bribes from the CPP as an inducement for Funcinpec to join the government.
Rainsy has termed the judicial decision farcical and repeated his allegation that the Cambodian courts are not independent. The US State Department expressed concern at what it termed was the continuing deterioration of democratic principles such as free speech.
Likewise, Rainsy's friends overseas, including human rights organizations, have come out in his support, but back home where the votes count, his glamour is gone and his party is steadily losing credibility.
Some suggest that while Rainsy's extended stay outside the country had given unprecedented elbow room for other aspirants in his tightly-run party, no clear alternative leader has emerged. With the latest court ruling, Rainsy will continue to remain outside with limited options. Some supporters have suggested a party-in-exile leading to a government-in-exile!
Meanwhile, Rainsy has quickly called for a pardon from the King, an act which will return him to public life in Phnom Penh. Already his friends and supporters, especially the anti-Hun Sen Cambodian diaspora in the US and France, are picking up this call and flooding internet newsgroups with similar demands to the King.
A couple of months ago, there was a similar flood of appeals by almost the same groups for the King not to sign a supplementary border treaty between Cambodia and Vietnam. The young King was under tremendous pressure for weeks, even when it was clear to many that his hands were tied as a constitutional monarch. Sihamoni could have, as some suggested, chosen the easy way out and gone on a holiday, leaving it to the acting Head of State to sign the bill into law. In the event Sihamoni boldly chose to stay and signed the bill knowing that it would upset some people.
Once again, the pressure is building upthis time for Sihamoni to pardon Rainsy and others and, once again, observers believe that Sihamoni will do the right thing.
The pressure is much less these days on Hun Sen. At the recent annual CPP congress, he was named the undisputed prime-ministerial candidate in the 2008 election, a far cry from the situation before the last election when the confirmation was not so readily forthcoming until much nearer the polls. In addition, many observers are convinced that the enlarged CPP Central Committee, from 153 to 268 members, has many of Hun Sen's men.
Hun Sen is clearly in charge, and this is not at all surprising given that he has done well both as a clear-minded and resolute Prime Minister and as a party strategist. However, the toughness he sometimes exhibits has not endeared him to liberal groups and human rights activists at home and abroad.
Ranariddh is the luckiest. In the last decade his party's fortunes have gone from bad to worse and many had written it off after the last election. His joining the government has given him a lifeline and he knows it. The subsequent warming-up of personal relations between him and Hun Sen, though it has not percolated all the way down to the provincial structures, has been a great boost for Funcinpec and generally good for the country.
What started off as an uncertain year for Cambodia is ending better than expected. The IMF has just announced that it will provide 100 percent of debt relief, amounting to approximately $82 million, incurred by Cambodia to the IMF before January 1, 2005.
The IMF noted that Cambodia had qualified for the debt relief because "of its overall satisfactory recent macroeconomic performance, progress in poverty reduction, and improvements in public expenditure management."
The IMF further noted that since 1999, Cambodia had enjoyed robust economic expansion, with annual growth rates averaging over 7 percent with inflation under control and with improving public administration, in particular public expenditure management.
While that is a good way to end the year, the new year will bring varied and complex challenges, the major ones being the need to further strengthen its institutions and to ensure that good governance is firmly rooted in the country. This calls especially for a determined and comprehensive attempt at curbing corruption and dismantling the equally deeply entrenched patronage system.
It is now for Hun Sen to focus on and to promote the younger generation of technocrats and politicians to address these challenges. This will take some time. But what is at stake is not just Hun Sen's credibility and his place in history: Cambodia's viability is also at stake. No one wants it to be a failed state.
Verghese Mathews, a former Singapore Ambassador to Cambodia, is a Visiting Research Fellow at the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies.
SUBMITTED BY: Verghese Mathews, Email: mat....@iseas.edu.sg Sat, 7 Jan 2006
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December 21, 2005
Quest for Truth I
By Kok Sap
Victim of April 17,1975
Who's Khim Tit? This question was in my mind for sometimes. This man was a former province of Battambang governor who rose through ministerial ranks in Sihanouk regimes pre and post-colonial reign. But for some reasons people had not stressed enough of this man notoriety in meddling Cambodia independence endeavor. He eventually remains a questionable trigger who had a lot to do with Cambodia past and present instability.
To the Cambodia fragile Independence plan, this man might not seem to be that of significance at the time. But he certainly had played a key role in sabotaging Cambodia self-rule and determination from the get going. Mentality wise, he seemed to fit well with Hun Sen own colonial collaboration. Overwhelmingly many seemed disagreed over his government and practices throughout years. This question has been floating until this date and yet escaped Sihanouk memories entirely when come to truth.
Undeniably, to many sensible and conscionable later generations, this still seemed to be an unsolved mystery. Those who had stained hands then seemed to withdraw and hide them in French pantalon pockets. Some still arrogantly refuted and disrespected truth. Some questioned own nationality validity and integrity? Out of the two best known historians of post colonial Cambodia seemed to lend supports in truth searching for our readers. In this case let re-examine one of the detractors motif and sense of nationalism at the time.
According to a journalist Milton Osborne account in his book titled Sihanouk Prince of Light Prince of Darkness, on p 38, Charles Myer argued that some years were to pass before Sihanouk seriously engaged himself in affairs of state rather than making the pursuit of pleasure his dominant concern. Certainly, the evidence is overwhelming that after the Japanese coup de force Sihanouk was content to rely on the largely conservative advice of men such as his uncle Prince Monireth or Khim Tit, a provincial governor who was to join the cast of politicians whose names repeatedly featured in the revolving door cabinets of the 1940s and 50s.
Then on p.46, in 1945s, Khim Tit, was Son Ngoc Thanh's minister for defense and an unquestioned Francophile became increasingly concerned as Thanh sought to establish links with the emerging communist-dominated regime in Viet Nam.
On p.47, asserted that the removal of Thanh from office was engineered by Khim Tit as Khim Tit's own version of the events surrounding Thanh's removal from office is self serving and unsatisfactory. While Son Ngoc Thanh seemed prepared to risk armed conflict with the French, Sihanouk heeded to advice of his conservative advisers, responding in cautious and polite terms to a call from Admiral Argenlieu, whom De Gaulle had sent to Indo China as high commissioner, to dispatch representatives to the planned meeting in India that would discuss the Cambodia's future relations with France.
Son Ngoc Thanh's own assessment seemed to risk over Cambodia independence as opposed to Sihanouk own monkey trick reservation. On October 8, Khim Tit suddenly left for Saigon with Charles de Gaulle government military officer Major Gallois. The author conveyed with credible proof that Khim Tit trip was to cook up plots and appeared personal with De Gaulle government official General Jacques Philippe Leclerc to ousting Son Ngoc Thanh from office. To his disappointment Prince Monireth was assuming Thanh job on October 17, rather than Khim Tit himself. But Sihanouk never admitted that he was behind the plot but never denied that he was aware of Khim Tit trip to Saigon to meet Gen. Leclerc. Then in 1973 when he was representing the Cambodia delegation at UN, the same devious veteran conservative, Khim Tit, had claimed to have seen a police report that Khieu Samphan had been burnt to death with acid, while Hou Youn and Hu Nim,who had gone to the marquis in 1967,had been crushed beneath bulldozer tracks. This was insanely ludicrous and irresponsible.
Concurrently David Chandler accounts in his book titled The Tragedy of Cambodian History on p.24 asserted that the provisional government of Charles De Gaulle sent military officers back to Indo China whom later aided the self-serving Khim Tit, a new minister of defense, in arrest his superior Prime Minister Son Ngoc Thanh.This account clearly supported by the British Officer Lt.Colonel E.D Murray in 1982 interview stated on October 8 1945 he was there and had worked closely with Khim Tit, who had, after trip from Saigon, published a disingenuous report denying that he had been collaborated with French Gen.Leclerc in arresting Son Ngoc Thanh then.
Double Jeopardizes on Khim Tit was in fact a bolded face liar. Then Chandler went on p.37 to state that Khim Tit went on to be the head of National Union Party of Sisowath Lycee clique in divergent task in addition to Khmer Renovation Party led by the clique from Colonial Chasseloup Laubat Lycee to drown out Democrats Party progressive campaign for election in the absence of its founding leader Yuthevong death in 1947.
This enough to say that Son Ngoc Thanh was in fact a dreamer of Cambodia Independence. Yet his legacy had been distorted by a handful of Sihanouk loyal cronies untruthfulness and disingenuous accounts. Let it be known that the truth remain untold to the Cambodia generations that who is the real Sihanouk and are his co-conspirators in term of history.
SUBMITTED BY: kok sap, Email: koks....@yahoo.com
Sun, 25 Dec 2005
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Freedom Of Expression Being Haunted By Ghost Of The Past
Majority of Cambodian whether they are living abroad or in Cambodia, they seem to be locked up by the past of intimidation which one was prohibited to make critic a bad performance by a leader. Moreover, Cambodian used to living under a dictatorships for many decades that governing in different forms of systems. For any of this of government, one could not say anything to inform or to criticize a leader from the bottom to the top. For example, if an individual says something to criticize a leader even a president of a community or an executive of a community, one would be in a thread like, if you are in Cambodia, you would have been killed or bitten up. In addition, if one is living abroad and criticizing Hun Sen or Norodom Ranaridh, one would be told, "..be careful when you are going to Cambodia, or you are so modest here, why don't you try in front of Hun Sen and his men." Even worst, you are told to shut up and to leave the those alone and let them do what they are doing.
We seem afraid of our shadow or should I say the ghost of the past. How does the democracy spousper in Cambodia, and how does the process of our democracy in progress when we keep sabotaging our expression, and furthermore, the FUNCI and CPP's government keep amending constitution that dealing with freedom of expression and free press?
By one's understanding, freedom of expression is one of the key to democracy. However, when freedom of expression has been shut, the key process of democracy is invanded.
I can only say one thing, we must use our right, and tell those who shut us up to shut up! If we want a democracy, we have to get the democracy ourself!
SUBMITTED BY: Samoeun Chhim, Email: samoeun....@yahoo.ca Tue, 27 Dec 2005
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Do you know or have you heard of HAK MAO, a Cambodian man who came from the village CHANG BO HÈ in Cambodia, (khoum and srok) POURK, province (khhaid) SIEM RIEP ?
His family in Cambodia didn't see him since 1973 and they're still looking for him. They say that he might lives in Canada, but nothing is for sure. He works or used to work as an airplane pilot (khan Bela ?).
HAK (surname) MAO (last name) is the oldest of his family of 9 brothers et sisters.
Father Mao Huy (dead)
Mother Chhoun Leng (dead)
1 Brother Mao Hak (lost since 1973)
2 Sister Mao Lon (lives in Samrong Oddormechey)
3 Sister Mao Leup (lives in Samrong Oddormechey)
4 Sister Mao Loun (lives in Samrong Oddormechey)
5 Brother Mao Ly Hiav (lives in Samrong Oddormechey)
6 Brother Mao KIm Louth (lives in Samrong Oddormechey)
7 Sister Mao Kim Leng (lives in Samrong Oddormechey)
8 Brother Mao Ly Han (lives in Chong kal Oddormechey)
9 Brother Mao Ly Hor (lives in Samrong Oddormechey)
As you can see, most of his family still lives in Cambodia, in Samrong, Oddormechey. Only one brother lives in phnom Pung Ror, in Chong Kal, Oddormechey.
Please if you have any information about HAK MAO, call his family in Cambodia who still hope that one day, they will see him again.
Telephone Numbers :
012 872 732
012 457 849
011 618 255
016 325 701
OR EMAIL ME AT CESTSARAH@YAHOO.COM
SUBMITTED BY: Sarah Kit
, Email: cest....@yahoo.com Tue, 8 Nov 2005
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Hun Sen and the Upcoming Negotiations on the Border Issues: Scenarios and Associated Implications
by Preap Pisey
La version française est disponible ci-dessous
After having totally neutralized the Supreme National Council on Border Affairs (SNCBA) [1] presided by King-Father Norodom Sihanouk, Hun Sen and his team are getting ready to go to Vietnam on October 10, 2005, to sign an additional convention to the 1985 Treaty related to the border delineation.
The announcement of this trip made the front page of newspapers and launches important debates. The treaty, signed under the Vietnamese occupation, is in total contradiction with the 1954 Geneva Convention, and the 1991 Paris Agreements. Beside the continuous displacements of border towards the interior of Cambodia’s territory, this treaty would cede important portions of Cambodia’s territory to Vietnam. According to Mr. Sean Pengsè, the President of the Cambodia’s Border Committee, an organization based in France, this treaty brings into question again the border markers along 200 kilometers located in the South of the country.
Given the seriousness of the subject and reports published in the news media, which was not the case for previously signed treaties, it appears to us that it is necessary to come up with scenarios that could result from Hun Sen’s trip to the lands of his master, and to analyze the implications associated which each of the scenarios considered.
Based on our humble analysis, the possible scenarios are as follows:
The additional convention to the 1985 Treaty will be effectively signed; The convention will not be signed; The duration of the negotiation will be stretched out in time.
Scenario No. 1 :
The additional convention to the 1985 Treaty will be effectively signed
The signing of this additional convention to the 1985 Treaty implies, of course, the transfer of one portion of Cambodia’s territory to Vietnam. However, beyond this transfer, the signature of a supplement to the 1985 Treaty, orchestrated with great fanfare, would also be interpreted as a very strong political will by Vietnam to become the absolute master of Indochina. By that, it would mean a launch of a “strong signal” to the regional power houses and to the International community that Vietnam had become the absolute master of Laos and Cambodia, and that it intends to act as such.
This scenario can be interpreted not only as an open aggression against the Khmer Nation, but it is also a provocation launched against China in which “the new generation of the Chinese leaders cherished their friendship with the Cambodian royal family as well as their relations with Cambodia [2]” from long ago. Vietnam, through the signing of this addition to the 1985 Treaty, is testing the sincerity of China, one of the unavoidable great world superpowers, towards Cambodia before subjecting the latter completely under its yoke. It would be interesting to see what reaction this Great Superpower would have on this Vietnamese arrogant insult. How much would China be willing to allow Vietnam to trample on its “small protégé” as reiterated so many times by the successive Chinese leaders? Would China be able to defend the interests of Cambodia, its so-called “small protégé”? What would its other “small protégés” think of China if it were to allow itself to be led by the nose by a “small player” like Vietnam?
Scenario No. 2
The convention will not be signed
As it was stated elsewhere, the addition to the 1985 Treaty will not be signed, in which case the territorial and maritime integrity of Cambodia will not necessarily be preserved. In its actual application, Vietnam will continue to violate Cambodia’s territory through an ever massive “demographic” colonization along the border areas, in particular, those which are included in the “Development Triangle [3]”.
The latter case would correspond to Vietnam’s script aiming at transforming Hun Sen into a “national hero” able to resist against Vietnam. The Vietnamese strategy would consist of saying: not only did Hun Sen not sign the very contested 1985 Treaty but he also succeeded in taking back a portion of the territory classified as litigious zones – a statement which Hun Sen himself started to praise [4]. The objective being very clear, it is not only to give a new shining coat to Hun Sen’s image, so tarnished by corruption and persecution against the population, but also to confer to him the statute of “National Hero” similar to that of King-Father Norodom Sihanouk’s during the “Royal Crusade” for Independence of Cambodia. According to this scenario, we will have another “hero” under a totally different circumstance. Hun Sen, very thirsty of power, accepts to “play” blindly the Vietnamese strategists’ game by ignoring that the political, diplomatic and military supports provided by Vietnam are not free. The Vietnamese resettlers’ commitment, living in Cambodia, to vote for Hun Sen’s CPP is just a short term “coin of exchange” to satisfy personal and the clique of Hun Sen’s ambitions. What the latter forgets is that where there are Vietnamese, there where will be Vietnam.
This scenario would correspond not only to a preparation in view of the re-election of Hun Sen in 2008, but also points to a change in strategy by Vietnam. In the past, the Vietnamese strategists had systematically eliminated all Cambodians who no longer serve the interests of Hanoi once they no longer needed them, such was the case of most of the founding members and/or fighters of the Khmer Rouge movement. This time, Vietnam is stretching the survival of its puppets in order to encourage others to come to serve Hanoi’s interests in exchange for a “personal reward” proportional in size to the degree of their betrayal against the Khmer Nation. In this hypothetical case, we, the Khmer People, must pay attention to this kind of strategic manipulations which had always led us to destruction.
At the sight of this Vietnamese hidden agenda, we strongly encourage the supporters of CPP to revise their position. It is not too late to save together Cambodia. Champa and Kampuchea Krom are the concrete examples to demonstrate Vietnam’s machiavellian intent behind the resettlement of Vietnamese in Cambodia with the pretext to support the CPP’s voting basis. You all know that the Cham people have no more their country and are constrained to live sometimes on their fishery boats and in countries that are not theirs. Regarding our Khmer Krom compatriots, you know also how much they have been suffered. Their fundamental rights are systematically flouted. They can’t access to any medical care. A lot of pregnant women can’t see their pregnancy reach its term. The access to education is also forbidden in a subtle form, the exams are organized as such the children of our Khmers Krom can’t go beyond the high school. They are condemned to be hard workers in the rice fields. And their ancestral lands are systematically grabbed. Their cultural identity is maintained just only for touristic purpose. For instance, they are forced to practise the boat race several times a year just to attract tourists and can’t have anything in return. So please, don’t let the same things to be repeated in our Cambodia’s today. Let us have the courage to defy our corrupted and short-sighted leaders who don’t care at all about the survival of the Nation.
Scenario 3
The duration of the negotiation will be stretched out in time
This last scenario would consist of stretching in time the negotiation on the border delineation. The objective would consist of mobilizing all the Khmer resources in terms of manpower, thinking process, etc…, and to focus them on this issue of highly strategic importance to the eyes of the Khmer population. This strategy, similar to war and/or industrial and commercial competition strategies, consists of creating diversions and to “deplete” the resources of one’s enemies or competitors in order to facilitate their killing. One of Vietnam fears is to see Cambodians emerging one day from poverty and becoming, with their “belly full,” true resistance fighters against the sprawling expansionism of Hanoi. Thus for Vietnam, the more the Cambodians are busy with a particular issue, the more their conquest strategy has a chance to be moved forward. As we knew well, it is rare that Vietnam has only a single strategy to shape their annexation ambitions. As it was implicitly underscored by Mr. Dy Kareth in his article [5], in parallel to the unceasing displacements of border lines towards the interior of Cambodia’s territory, Vietnam is also deploying another colonization arsenal disguised under the makeup of the concept of economic development, such as the famous development triangle of Gia Lai, Kon Tum, Dac Lac, and Dac, Nông (in Vietnam), Attapeu, Sekong, and Sravan (in Laos), Stung Treng, Ratanakiri, and Mondulkiri (in Cambodia). The establishment of the project follows with establishment of new “armies” of Vietnamese settlers on our farmers’ lands in the above provinces, and where some of these farmers were constrained to adopt the Vietnamese citizenship. In some areas such as Ratanakiri and Mondulkiri, Vietnam has already started building sections of highways, electrical power lines, and schools to facilitate the establishment of its populations on the lands of our Khmer Leu Compatriots.
Faced with such conditions, we, the Khmer People, must pay attention to the machiavellian positioning of the Hanoi strategists. Let us join our strength to help those who fight against the expansionist/annexationist hungers of our aggressors.
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[1] Phann Ana: “Hun Sen Opposes Empowering Border Council”, The Cambodia Daily, June 16, 2005.
[2] Xinhuanet : “Sino-Cambodian friendship carried on”, April 07, 2005.
[3] Regarding this subject of strategic importance, please refer to the excellent article by Mr. Dy Kareth, Vice-President of the Cambodia’s Border Committee, titled “The Expansionist Development Triangle,” August 22, 2005, Paris, France.
[4] Sakada Chun : “Mr. Hun Sen Defends the Signing of Additional Border Treaty to 1985 Treaty With Vietnam”, VOA 06/10/2005.
[5] Op. cit.
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Hun Sen et les Négociations à venir sur le Tracé des Frontières :
Scénarios et Implications
par Preab Pisey
Après avoir neutralisé totalement le Conseil National Supérieur des Affaires Frontalières[1], présidé par le Roi Père Norodom Sihanouk, Hun Sen et son équipe s’apprêtent à se rendre au Vietnam le 10 Octobre 2005 pour signer une convention additionnelle au traité de 1985 relatif au tracé des frontières.
Ce voyage à venir a fait la « une » des journaux et relance d’importants débats. Ce traité, signé sous l’occupation Vietnamienne, est en totale contradiction avec les accords de Genève de 1954 et les accords de Paris de 1991. Outre les déplacements incessants des frontières à l’intérieur du territoire Cambodgien, ce traité aurait cédé des proportions importantes du territoire du Cambodge au Vietnam. Car selon Mr Sean Pengsè, président du Comité des Frontières du Cambodge, organisme basé en France, ce traité remet en cause les bornes sur 200 km dans le sud du pays.
Compte tenu de la gravité du sujet en question et des échos largement relayés dans la presse, ce qui n’a pas été le cas pour les traités précédemment signés, il nous semble nécessaire d’imaginer les scénarios qui pourraient résulter du voyage de Hun Sen sur les terres de son maître et d’analyser les implications qui sont associées à chacun des scénarios envisagés.
Selon notre humble analyse, les scénarios envisageables sont les suivants :
1) La convention additionnelle au traité de 1985 sera effectivement signée ;
2) La convention ne sera pas signée ;
3) La durée de négociation s’étalera dans le temps.
Scénario 1 : La convention additionnelle au traité de 1985 sera effectivement signée
La signature de cette convention additionnelle au traité de 1985 implique bien sûr le transfert d’une partie du territoire Cambodgien au Vietnam. Mais au-delà de ce transfert, la signature, organisée en fanfare, d’un additif au traité de 1985 se traduirait également par une volonté politique forte de la part du Vietnam de s’affirmer comme le maître absolu en Indochine. Il s’agirait là d’un lancement d’un « signal fort » aux puissances régionales et à la communauté internationale que le Vietnam est devenu le maître absolu au Laos et au Cambodge et qu’il entend de se conduire en tant que tel.
Ce cas de scénario peut être interprété non seulement comme étant une agression ouverte à l’encontre de la Nation Khmère mais aussi une provocation lancée envers la Chine, dont « la nouvelle génération de dirigeants chinois chérissait son amitié avec la famille royale cambodgienne ainsi que ses relations avec le Cambodge[2] » depuis de longues dates. Le Vietnam par le biais de la signature de cet additif au traité de 1985, met à l’épreuve la sincérité de la Chine, une des grandes puissances mondiales incontournables, envers le Cambodge avant de le mettre complètement sous son joug. Il serait donc curieux de voir quelle serait la réaction de cette Grande Puissance face à cette affronte insolente du Vietnam. Jusqu’où serait – elle prête à laisser le Vietnam piétiner le « petit protégé » tant réaffirmé par les dirigeants Chinois successifs ? Serait-elle en mesure de défendre les intérêts du Cambodge, le soit-disant son « petit protégé » ? Que penseraient ses autres « petits protégés » si la Chine se laissait mener par le bout du nez par un « petit joueur » tel que le Vietnam ?
Scénario 2 : La convention ne sera pas signée
Comme il a été énoncé, l’additif au traité de 1985 ne sera pas signé, auquel cas l’intégrité territoriale et maritime du Cambodge ne sera pas pour autant préservée. Puisque dans la pratique, le Vietnam continuera toujours à violer le territoire du Cambodge par la colonisation « démographique » de plus en plus massive dans les régions frontalières, notamment celles faisant partie du « Triangle de Développement[3] ». Ce cas de figure correspondrait à la mise en scène par le Vietnam visant à transformer Hun Sen en « héro national » capable de tenir tête avec le Vietnam. La stratégie du Vietnam consisterait à dire non seulement Hun Sen n’a pas signé le très contesté traité de 1985 mais surtout a réussi à reprendre une partie du territoire placé en zones de litige, que Hun Sen a commencé à faire lui-même des éloges[4]. L’objectif étant très clair, il s’agit non seulement de redorer l’image de Hun Sen tant ternie par la corruption et la persécution à l’encontre de la population mais surtout de lui conférer un statut de « Héro National » à l’image de celui du Roi Père Norodom Sihanouk lors de la « Croisade Royale » pour l’indépendance, qui depuis est resté dans le cœur de tant de Cambodgiens le Père de l’Indépendance du Cambodge. Selon ce scénario, nous aurons donc un autre « héro » avec un autre temps. Hun Sen, assoiffé de pouvoir, accepte de jouer aveuglément le jeu des stratégistes Vietnamiens sans se rendre compte que le soutien politique, diplomatique et militaire du Vietnam n’est pas gratuit. L’engagement des colons Vietnamiens installés au Cambodge à voter pour Hun Sen n’est qu’ « une monnaie d’échange » à court terme pour satisfaire les ambitions personnelles et du clan de Hun Sen. Ce que ce dernier semble oublier c’est que là où il y a des Vietnamiens, c’est là où la terre appartiendra au Vietnam.
Ce scénario correspondrait non seulement à un préparatif en vue de la réélection de Hun Sen en 2008 mais à un changement de stratégie de la part du Vietnam. Dans le passé, les stratégistes Vietnamiens ont systématiquement éliminé tous les Cambodgiens qui ont servi les intérêts de Hanoi une fois qu’ils n’ont plus besoin d’eux, comme c’est le cas de la plupart des membres fondateurs et/ou combattants du mouvement des Khmers Rouges. Cette fois, ils prolongent la survie de ses « pantins » afin d’encourager d’autres à venir servir les intérêts de Hanoi tout en ayant une « récompense personnelle » à la hauteur de leur trahison envers la Nation Khmère. Dans ce cas hypothétique, nous, Peuple Khmer, devrons être attentifs à ce genre de manipulations stratégiques qui ne font que nous mener depuis tout le temps à la destruction.
Au vu cette intention machiavélique cachée, nous encourageons fortement nos compatriotes supporters du PPC à revoir leur position. Il n’est absolument pas trop tard de sauver ensemble le Cambodge. Le Champa et notre Kampuchea Krom sont les exemples concrets pour témoigner les réelles intentions du Vietnam en envoyant des masses de population s’installer au Cambodge sous prétexte d’un apport de soutien au parti PPC. Vous savez que les Chams n’ont plus de pays et sont obligés de vivre parfois sur des bateaux de pêche et dans des pays qui ne sont pas les leur. Concernant nos compatriotes Khmers Krom, vous savez également combien ils souffrent sur leur propre terre. Leurs droits les plus fondamentaux sont systématiquement bafoués. Ils ne peuvent avoir accès aux soins médicaux, beaucoup de femmes enceintes ne peuvent même pas voir leur grossesse arriver à son terme. L’accès à l’éducation supérieure leur est interdit sous forme totalement déguisée. Les examens sont organisés d’une manière telle qu’ils ne peuvent aller au-delà du lycée. Ils sont condamnés à devenir de durs labeurs dans les champs de riz. Leurs terres ancestrales ont été systématiquement confisquées. Leur identité culturelle a été maintenue juste pour des raisons touristiques. Par exemple, ils sont obligés de pratiquer plusieurs fois dans l’année la course aux pirogues pour attirer des touristes sans avoir rien en contrepartie. Donc ne laissons pas les mêmes pratiques se répéter dans le Cambodge actuel. Ayons le courage de défier nos leaders corrompus qui ne se soucient nullement de la survie de notre Nation.
Scénario 3 : La durée de négociation s’étalera dans le temps
Ce dernier scénario consisterait à laisser endurer la négociation sur le tracé des frontières. L’objectif consisterait à mobiliser toutes les ressources Khmères en hommes, en réflexion, etc, et à les focaliser sur cette question d’une importance hautement stratégique aux yeux de la population Khmère. Cette stratégie, relevant des stratégies de guerre et/ou de la compétition industrielle et commerciale, consiste à créer des diversions et « épuiser » les ressources de ses ennemis ou de ses concurrents pour mieux les abattre. Une des craintes du Vietnam est de voir les Cambodgiens émerger un jour de la pauvreté et deviennent, avec un « estomac bien rempli », de véritables résistants contre l’expansionnisme tentaculaire de Hanoi. Donc pour le Vietnam, plus les Cambodgiens sont occupés par un problème particulier, plus leur stratégie de conquête a des chances d’avancer. Comme nous le savions bien, il est très rare que le Vietnam déploie une seule stratégie pour concrétiser leurs ambitions annexionnistes. Comme il a été souligné implicitement par Mr Dy Kareth dans son article[5], parallèlement aux déplacements incessants des lignes des frontières à l’intérieur du territoire du Cambodge, le Vietnam déploie un autre arsenal de colonisation déguisé sous l’habillage du concept de développement économique, qui est le fameux triangle de développement réunissant les provinces Gia Lai, Kon Tum, Dac Lac et Dac Nông (Vietnam), Attapeu, Sékong et Saravan (Laos), Stung Trèng, Ratanakiri et Mondulkiri (Cambodge). La mise en œuvre de ce projet s’accompagne, comme on a pu constater dans la presse, d’une implantation de nouvelles « armées » de colons vietnamiens sur les terres de nos paysans de ces provinces, où certains d’entre eux ont été contraints d’adopter la nationalité vietnamienne. Dans certaines régions comme en Ratanakiri et Mondulkiri le Vietnam a déjà commencé à construire des tronçons d’autoroute, des lignes électriques de haute tension et des écoles pour faciliter l’installation de ses populations sur les terres de nos compatriotes Khmers Leu.
Face à de telles conditions, nous, Khmers, devrons être attentifs aux manœuvres machiavéliques mises en place par les stratégistes de Hanoi. Joignons nous la main pour aider ceux qui luttent contre les appétits expansionnistes/annexionnistes de nos agresseurs.
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[1] Phann Ana: “Hun Sen Opposes Empowering Border Council”, The Cambodia Daily, June 16, 2005.
[2] Xinhuanet : “Sino-Cambodian friendship carried on”, April 07, 2005.
[3] Concernant ce sujet d’une importance stratégique, veuillez lire l’excellent article de Lok Dy Kareth, vice président du Comité des Frontières du Cambodge, : « Le Triangle de Développement Expansionniste », 22 août 2005, Paris France.
[4] Sakada Chun : “Mr. Hun Sen Defends the Signing of Additional Border Treaty to 1985 Treaty With Vietnam”, VOA 06/10/2005.
[5] Op, cit
SUBMITTED BY: Preab Pisey (Mrs), Email: pisey....@yahoo.es Sat, 29 Oct 2005
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A FIT TRIBUTE FOR HISTORIC FAVOUR
The Cambodian prime minister is absolutely right when he utters, There is no leader in the world who is so bad even if he is as bad as Pol Pot that would rush to give away land to other countries.
But he seems to ignore at least two important facts there is commonly an exception to the rule, and usually there is no rush in giving away land to any neighbour. It took about half a century for Kampuchea Krom to formally become the present southern part of Vietnam.
Successive Cambodian governments up to 1979 had refused to accept the Brevier line as a legitimate maritime border demarcation between Cambodia and Vietnam. They always argued that the line had only been for administrative convenience, not a maritime demarcation. The Brevier line, drawn up in 1939 singly by Governor General of Indochina Jules Brivie, allocates the whole Koh Tral (Phu Quoc) to Cochin-china, currently Vietnam.
The break came with the 1979 liberation of Cambodia from Pol Pot regime by the invading Vietnamese troops at the invitation of the ruling party under the resourcefulness of the current prime minister. Vietnam's troops and administrators were then stationed in Cambodia for the next ten years during which a string of treaties relating to border issues were signed and sealed. It is indeed impossible to imagine that those treaties signed under a seemingly master-slave relationship would be free and fair from all parties' perspective. The Khmer gratitude for the historic liberation or favour would need to be somehow fully reflected somewhere.
A border concession has traditionally been one of fit tributes for such a dramatic liberation. Contrary to its successors that had taken a hard stance in rejecting the Brevier line, the State of Cambodia in 1991 was prepared to let go of it to avoid further hassle.
The border tribute is revealed in a leaked transcript/minutes of a top level meeting on 29 July 1991 specifically convened to address a complaint of the Vietnamese Ministry of Foreign Affairs dated 10 July 1991 in regard to Cambodia's earlier call for commercial bidding among exploration companies to search for oil deposits in Cambodian maritime territory. Vietnam maintained the exploration would involve maritime border demarcation and disputed areas which had yet to be resolved. It referred to the treaty signed between the two countries on 7 July 1982, which did not yet determine their maritime border.
The meeting was chaired by Comrade Chea Soth, vice-chairman of the Council of Ministers, and attended by twelve other comrades: Bou Thang, vice-chairman of the Council of Ministers; Say Chhum, vice-chairman of the Council of Ministers; Kong Sam Ol, vice-chairman of the Council of Ministers, Hor Nam Hong, minister for foreign affairs; major general Noun Sok, deputy minister for national defence; Tep Hen, deputy-minister at the cabinet of the Council of Ministers; Bun Uy, deputy-minister at the cabinet of the Council of Ministers; It Prang, deputy-minister for industry; Souv Chiv Kun, department head of mineral resources; Kang Keng, department head of industry construction in the cabinet of the Council of Ministers; Hor Peng Hour, deputy director general at the cabinet of the Council of Ministers; Hour Sithy, secretary to the chair of the Council of Ministers.
In the above 29 July 1991 meeting, according to the following excerpt of the transcript, comrade Hor Nam Hong Minister for Foreign Affairs, gave away Koh Tral by accepting the legitimacy of the Brevier line. He said,
If the exploration has not started, the negotiation will be easy. With respect to the Brevier line, I have seen so clearly in the French notation that it is an administrative line in order to facilitate the people living in the regions [including Koh Tral]; [it] makes all administrative documentations not too difficult; [it is] too far for the people to travel to Kampot [for them]. At the time the three countries were under the French administration. In fact, this Brevier line is not a border line; and the fact is that the places have been ours since the old time. But save the hassle, they have already taken them, let them have them why bother to claim it back for peace's sake. And if they don't accept that much, it is going to be complicated in the future and we wait until then. For now we solve the other part first because we already have the agreement.
Comrade Chea Soth then said,
We have not done the exploration yet. We have just made the announcement; we have not yet measured [the lots allocated for exploration].
At the end, the meeting decided to seal the fate of Koh Tral and other regions separated by the Brevier line. The Cambodian foreign minister recapped the decisions, or sealed the fate of Koh Tral then.
Comrade Hor Nam Hong said,
Now let's take up this position we all agree so that it is easy for me to talk to them:
Issue 1: We pull back all those lots allocated for the exploration from the historical maritime border; they also pull back both sides all pull back from the areas under disputes.
Issue 2: If we are going to have joint ventures, we are going to discuss further among the three partners with signatures among us Vietnam and the exploring companies.
Issue 3: We will meet in the future to demarcate the maritime border between the two parties.
Issue 4: We must accept as our base the Brevier line outside the historical water boundary.
Details of the Supplementary Convention to the 1985 Treaty that prime minister Hun Sen signed with Vietnam on 10 October 2005 are not known. It is, however, promised to be available for the National Assembly ratification. It is not opened for any scrutiny before then. But the decision of the ruling party has been clear since 1991at the latest that it will sooner or later finalise a fit tribute package that delivers the southern archipelago to Vietnam.
Of course, the current prime minister who was not present at the 29 July 1991 cabinet meeting could claim innocence, just like Khieu Samphan, Pol Pot, Noun Chea, Duch and other high profile Cambodian leaders, dead or alive, who do not have any courage to accept full responsibility for what they have done, in one way or another, to the Khmer people. Sadly, they have always claimed they are in the right even while the country is going down the drain
Sim Sina (Mrs) 24 October 2005
NB: A copy of the original minutes/transcript in Khmer is available on request.
SUBMITTED BY: Sim Sina (Mrs), Email: sim...@westnet.com.au Sun, 23 Oct 2005
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