Editorial | Articles about Cambodia | Khmer

Tuesday, November 13, 2007

EMOTIONAL VOTERS




Source: Alternatives Watch
Date: 10 November 2007

EMOTIONAL VOTERS

A friend has raised an interesting point the SRP, or any party wishing to become the next ruling party, may want to consider for the 2008 election campaign. He notes the CPP has already begun spreading the word that if it loses the election, there will be war again. The prime minister has publicly insinuated that if a war is to start under another prime minister after the next election, it will not be his responsibility. The friend argues the SRP's attempt to raise an expectation that it will win the next elections can only damage its chance of success. Such a campaign will only turn voters' worry into fear as they know the CPP has the capability of making war; it controls armed forces that are neither independent nor impartial.

The friend's opinion signifies the importance of emotion in elections, which is supported by Drew Western, who argues in his book "The Political Brain: The Role of Emotion in Deciding the Fate of the Nation" that voting is an emotional exercise. Western says the political mind is a passionate mind. The vote will depend on who has played successfully on voters' fears, harnessed voters aspirations and hope for the future, or pricked voters' consciences. Western does not agree with cooler heads who think that, when choosing their political leaders, voters rely on those laudable Enlightenment virtues of rationalism and empiricism, that they analyse facts and figures, dispassionately weigh up costs and benefits, make clear-head comparison of policy, issue by issue.

According to Western, the election is a battle of stories. The CPP story is that it was the 7 January liberator putting an end to mass killings. It has delivered peace and stability, and one of the best economic growths for years. The opposition may point to holes in the story, however. The gap between rich and poor is still large, if not expanding. Rural Cambodia that makes up a large section of the country is still doing tough, and there is no end in sight.

With the CPP story, the prime minister often speaks of war and instability serving as a warning to electorates of upheavals without him in charge. It seems the prime minister has been a faithful disciple to the US Vice-President Dick Cheney's 1 percent doctrine: if there is only 1 percent chance of terrorist attack, act as if it were a certainty.

If the western psychology as Drew Western expounds works within the Cambodian context, the electorate's emotional - not rational - response to the stories, will deliver victory in 2008 to the CPP with the help of the SRP. The former's story may have holes in it, but it will play the fear card to stir the voters' emotion. With its campaign for an outright win, the SRP, perhaps unintentionally, will make the fear real. In the face of such congruent campaigns from both major parties, the emotional side of the Cambodian voters will definitely have nothing to lean on besides preserving the status quo.



Ung Bun Ang



QUOTABLE QUOTE

"The heart has its reasons which reason knows nothing of."

Blaise Pascal (1623-1662), French philosopher, mathematician, and physicist. Pensées.

WAY TO GO

The SRP president, who has secured an indefinite term for his SRP presidency, wants a limit of one term for prime minister. He is quoted to have said, "We want to give opportunities for our well-educated younger generations. When only one person consolidates all the power, it means that person insults or looks down on other educated people."

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Wednesday, October 24, 2007

The price of peace

By Simon Taylor , of Global Witness.


Today marks the anniversary of the 1991 Paris Peace Accords - the agreement which signalled the beginning of the end of decades of violent conflict in Cambodia and the start of the biggest and most costly peacekeeping operation in history. Yet 16 years later, the country once regarded as the international poster-boy for post-conflict nation building is fast becoming South-East Asia's newest kleptocracy; its reputation marred by allegations of massive corruption, impunity, human rights abuses, and repressive, undemocratic governance. The international community - whose money has bankrolled this shattered state's rehabilitation - has singularly failed to stop the rot. Lessons must be learned if other fragile states are to avoid a similarly disastrous outcome.

On paper, Cambodia's natural resources and state assets - the land, forests, minerals and heritage sites - were the basis for kickstarting the post-conflict economy. The revenue generated should have gone towards poverty alleviation and rebuilding infrastructure. Instead, systematic and institutionalised corruption has deprived the entire population of the revenue that could have come from these public goods.

A cursory glance at today's Cambodian business sector reveals the country's forests, land, mining, ports, national buildings and casinos to be predominantly controlled by a handful of government-affiliated tycoons or family members of senior political figures. Information about deals is not made available to the Cambodian people to whom the state's resources belong. Similarly, consultation with local populations dependent upon forests or land is often non-existent. For many Cambodians, the first they know is the sound of a chainsaw revving or a bulldozer arriving to flatten their crops.

Cambodia's forests are a case in point. In the 1990s they were described by the World Bank as the country's "most developmentally important resource". Today they are largely degraded, having been sold off over the years by the political elite to private companies or individuals intent on logging as much as possible to turn a quick buck. Most of the vast wealth generated has not reached the national coffers: instead it appears to have been siphoned off into the private bank accounts of the loggers and their political patrons.

While a booming textile and tourism industry has resulted in double-digit economic growth in recent years, the reality is that Cambodians are still among the world's poorest people and wealth inequality is increasing. With an estimated 35% of the population living below the poverty line, and the vast majority without electricity or mains water, survival remains a challenge for millions. Meanwhile, government-sanctioned forced evictions and land grabs are rife, human rights violations are common, corruption is endemic and impunity is the norm. Over the past five years, this has been accompanied by a backward-slide in space for civil society and political opposition to operate, resulting in a governance system recently described by the UN rapporteur on human rights as "a shaky facade of democracy".

Cambodia's donors have provided the equivalent of over 50% of the government's annual budget for over a decade now. Having spent billions of dollars in setting up a democratic system in Cambodia, one would assume that donors and their domestic tax payers have an interest in preserving it. Yet the international donor community has consistently failed to bring the government to book for blatant violations of its commitments to protect human rights, fight corruption, and ensure the protection of natural resources. In the 1990s, turning a blind eye was justified by the need to ensure "stability". From stability would flow economic development, and from economic development would flow political pluralism. The past 16 years have revealed the impotence of such logic. With each successive failure of the donor community to deal with the regime's failure to honour commitments to good governance, those responsible have increased their wealth and impunity. The end result is that Cambodians find it harder and harder to call their government to account.

It is not too late for the international community to redefine its terms of engagement with Cambodia, but it will require a fundamental shift in mindset. At its core must be a recognition that stripping a country of its assets for personal gain represents a mass violation of the social and economic rights of its people. Next, donors must impose sanctions on those who they believe are corruptly profiteering from the exploitation of the state's resources. These measures should include a freeze on all assets, restrictions on international travel and a ban on doing business with nationals of the donor country.

This will be a bitter pill to swallow for those donors who would prefer to enjoy an amicable relationship with the Cambodian government. Yet, if the international community cannot get it right in a small and relatively non-strategic country such as Cambodia, what hope for the likes of Sudan, Liberia, Sierra Leone and the Democratic Republic of the Congo? To continue to give overseas aid without the courage to tackle blatant mass corruption and poor governance is the equivalent of pouring good money after bad. Worse, it confers a badge of approval and reinforces the legitimacy of a government which is not acting in the interests of its own population. Cambodia and its people deserve better.

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Cambodia is becoming more and more Vietnamized


Cambodia is becoming more and more Vietnamized

In 2007, almost every week, the number of “friendship” visits between Hanoi and Phnom Penh by communist Vietnamese leaders has multiplied, along with the signing of “cooperation” agreements in all fields, such as political, judicial, parliamentarian, military, administrative, economic, technology, cultural religious, etc… with their Cambodian counterparts. For the Cambodian leaders, these are obviously a systematic cooperation-alignment of their parties, of the national institutions at all levels, and of all the activities in Cambodia with those in Vietnam. That is how a communist Vietnam came to teach to a liberal Cambodia, for example, on how to create laws, how to organize internal elections, how to manage its economy, how to broadcast information, how to develop its literature, how to supervise the youth, and how to rule religious practice of Cambodians. Any opposition to this domination by Hanoi is punishable by jail sentence, or by kidnapping “sentence” and deportation to Vietnam by the secret police, such as the case of the alleged crime against “the Cambodia-Vietnam” friendship accused on Venerable Tim Sakhorn.

At the same time, after some 5 million Vietnamese people are counted in Cambodia between 1979 and 2003, the wild colonization of Cambodia by Vietnamese “immigrants” is being pursued unabated throughout Cambodia, thanks to the illegal agreements dated from the 80s, and thanks to the protection of Associations of Vietnamese people already established in Cambodia. Currently, Vietnamese people form the majority in Cambodia eastern provinces, such as Svay Rieng and Prey Veng, and with the so-called “common economic zones,” the Vietnamese in fact control the economy and the administration in these two provinces. Higher north, our provinces of Kampong Cham, Kratie, Mondulkiri, Ratanakiri and Stung Treng are again under the domination of Vietnamese troops, militias, workers and their families, again thanks to the “economic cooperation,” with huge land concessions – and national sovereignty – lasting 70 years of more, granted by the Cambodian People’s Party (CPP) directly to the Communist Party of Vietnam (CPV). Similar concessions were also granted in the provinces of Kampong Thom and Preah Vihear.

At the end, nobody talk or dare talk about the forced annexations by Hanoi of the Koh Tral and Krachak Ses Islands in 1982, as well as a large swath of Cambodia maritime territories. The so-called “historical waters and common waters between Vietnam and Cambodia” are totally under Vietnam’s law and boot. Furthermore, the Vietnamese forces arrogate itself the right to control the entire maritime space located in front of Cambodia’s costs in the province of Kampot: the weak vessels of Cambodian fishermen who are found there, risk being sunk by Vietnamese patrol boats, or they risk being arrested by the Vietnamese guns, and even last month, Cambodian fishermen from Kampot who were protesting the incursions of Vietnamese fishermen in Cambodian waters, were taken and severely beaten by the Vietnamese maritime police from Koh Tral island, before they were later released.

Therefore, the Vietnamization of Cambodia inexorably moves forward in great strides. Those among the Cambodians and foreigners who concluded and promised to respect scrupulously, the October 23, 1991 Paris Peace Agreements on Cambodia, in order to restore the sovereignty, independence, territorial integrity and inviolability of Cambodia against all external aggressions and interference – from Vietnam, in particular, which occupied Cambodia militarily – shamefully remain silent. Some even found “normal” this unremitting invasion of the “weak” Cambodia by the “powerful” Vietnam.

In reality, the Paris Agreements were not elaborated or adopted by the governments uniquely, but they were adopted for the Right and the Action of the citizens who can find in them their landmarks and their inseparable guaranties.

Cambodian citizens must continue to protest, they must support the legitimate protests by the victims, they must demonstrate against the Cambodian Government and its accomplices. Cambodian citizens must protest against the Superpower and Powerful governments which maintain the corruption and the dictatorship of Mr. Hun Sen and his CPP. Cambodian citizens must, at the very least, write to these governments, even personally, to alert them and to ask them to honor their engagements for a fair application of the Paris Agreements which they also signed. Cambodian citizens must tell these governments that their support to this regime must come to an end, if they sincerely want peace for Cambodia and the wellbeing for its citizens.

The Cambodian citizens must react, and they should not expect anything from those who betrayed them and abandoned them, if they want their Nation to still survive.

Paris, October 23, 2007
The Cambodia’s Border Committee
in France and Worldwide

(Singed) Dy Kareth,
Vice-President

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Wednesday, October 17, 2007

Press Advisory: Northeast Cambodians Abandon Riverside Homes for Safer, Higher Ground




PRESS ADVISORY - For Immediate Release
15 October 2007
3 S Rivers Protection Network

Report: Northeast Cambodians Abandon Riverside Homes for Safer, Higher Ground

Ratanakiri: More than 3,500 dam-affected people in northeastern Cambodia have abandoned their riverside villages and moved upland, according to research conducted by 17 community-based researchers with technical support by the 3S Rivers Protection Network (3SPN) in Ratanakiri province.

3SPN researchers found that 722 households from 17 villages along the Se San River have resettled upland – without government or donor assistance – to escape damaging floods and erratic river conditions caused by upstream dam operations in Vietnam.

"We published this study to educate government authorities and international donor agencies about the difficult life imposed on indigenous communities since Vietnam built the Yali Falls dam in 1993," says Meach Mean, Acting Coordinator of 3SPN.


The 720 mega-watt Yali Falls dam is the first and largest of four hydro dams built on the upper Se San by Electricity of Vietnam.

"Abandoned Villages Along the Se San River in Ratanakiri Province, Northeastern Cambodia" was prepared by local researchers from three of the eight indigenous groups living along the Se San in Cambodia. The report highlights villagers' perspectives on how the Se San has changed in the last decade and what compelled them to abandon their riverside homes:
  • Since dam construction upstream, the river is no longer a reliable source of fish and water for irrigating rice and dry season crops, Mr. Roman Mal, a Jarai Village Chief of Dal Pok village, explains: "Villagers have lost their hopes and dependencies on this river, because nearly all of the river resources are gone."
  • Mr. Pous Pin, a Brao villager from Ta Veng district stated: "We moved our village away from the riverbank because we no longer could cultivate rice in our Chamkars (farm land) along the Se San River which flooded every year and because so many people and animals have died (from the floods)."
  • "Everyday, both during the day and at night, I live with fear of severe water fluctuations and of the dam breaking. I cannot sleep well at night. I often get up and go to see the river late at night because I fear a water surge may come," said Mrs. Romas Veun, a Jarai villager from Pi village who has recently built a house away from the river for shelter in an emergency.

Earlier this year, Electricity of Vietnam released an assessment of the downstream impacts of Se San hydro development but the report – prepared by Nordic engineering consultants

SWECO Grøner – provides no information about the villagers' move upland nor does it recommend compensation for damages caused by EVN dams.

3SPN is a local organization working with communities affected by hydropower development in Vietnam and Lao PDR on the Se San, Srepok and Sekong rivers in northeastern Cambodia.

For more information: Contact: Meach Mean, Acting Coordinator, 3SPN, se...@camshin.net or at +855 (0) 11214752, or Ngy San, Deputy Director, NGO Forum on Cambodia, s...@ngoforum.org.kh or at +855 (0) 12802290. Hard copies of the report can be requested from 3SPN at se...@camshin.net. The electronic report is available in English and Khmer at NGO

Forum on Cambodia's website at: http://www.ngoforum.org.kh/Environment/Docs/mekong/Abandoned%20Village%20Report%20August%202007.pdf

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Tuesday, October 09, 2007

History, Ethics, Culture and Practices

Bon Pchum Ben or Feast Festival for Ancestors

Snapshot
Bon P'chum Ben is the remarkable ceremony of Cambodian annual gathering. On the 15th day of the waning moon (Ronouch) during the tenth month of the Khmer calendar, called Pheaktrobotr, Cambodian Buddhists celebrate this auspicious P'chum Ben event (the Ceremony of the Dead or Feast Ceremony for Ancestors). This ceremony usually falls in the first half of September in the Western calendar. This year it falls on September 22. It is called P'chum Thom (big ceremony). Actually, the celebration has begun since the waxing moon (K'nert) day falling in September 7; and this is called P'chum Touch (small ceremony). During the period between small ceremony and big ceremony, people always commit to take turn in offering food to the monks who are staying in door of three months of rainy retreat. This is called Kan Ben (food offering turn).

The history, meaning and objectives
According to the Vinaya (discipline) of Bhikkhu Monks (Sangha); they have to stay in door or rainy season hibernate for three months starting from the first waning moon of Srab (July) to the fifteenth waxing moon of Assoj (October) annually. These three months period reasonably recommended by the Sangha assembly presided by Lord Buddha to amend this law in order to benefit for the Bhikkhu monk community such as:

– monks have to spend this full time three month to study and practice the Dhamma,

- teachers, students and laypeople can make acquaintance with each other in one place to bolster their unity,

- and it is the rainy season which is hard for the monks to go outside as it is wet, muddy and easily to step on the crops of farmers.

But monks are able to go outside the door of temple during the rain-retreat unless they have sufficient excuses such as to preach the Dhamma, to visit ill relatives, to participate or preside over functions or to get away from some disasters etc. However, if any monks have offended the rules, they would be sentenced by a weak probation decided by the Sangha's assembly and they can be uncharged when they confess and follow accordingly in front of the assembly.

Through this important three months of strict practicing of Dhamma makes laypeople further their commitment and generosity to feed and take care all monks Sangha. So each family and village will take turn to offer food and other four necessities to monks daily. And there are two specific days which laypeople join together to make the ceremony more crowded and significant. They are the P'chum Touch (min ceremony) and the P'chum Thom (large ceremony). Especially, P'chum Thom is recognized as the most important day for all citizens regardless of ethnic background, color, race or faith should be attend, pay gratitude to their relatives and enjoy the ceremony.

P'chum Thom has happened since the Sakymuni Buddha period. When king Bhibisara felt sad about his absence to pay back gratitude to his ancestries and heard the crying voice every night in his palace, he went to ask some advices from the Buddha and he got insight that he has to celebrate the food offering ceremony annually. We don't know that when this cult of celebration was being celebrated by Cambodian Buddhists, but following our chronology observation, it must be arrived Cambodia in the same time of the arrival of Buddhism. It has become the root of Khmer culture and unique identity. This celebration has coincidently combined with the genuine religious cult of Cambodia that dominantly respects and worships their ancestors. This religious cult is called the Religion of Neakta.

The full outcomes of P'chum Ben day signifies many different aspects to bond Cambodia together in both material and spiritual, social value and unique identity, harmony and prosperity. It is not different from the Choul Chnam day or Cambodian New Year Day that these two celebrations are remarkable event and the most auspicious day.

We can outline some of these prospects relating P'chum Ben day.
1. To offer the chance to everybody to stay away from all evils, to cultivate the good and to purify their mind.
2. To provide the opportunity for everybody to empower their peaceful mind and spiritual adherence.
3. To pay gratitude to their dead ancestors as well as their living seniors.
4. To share their kindness and compassion by exchanging of their food, snacks and money with each others and especially to the poor people. Remarkably, this period is considered as the hardest time for low income or poor conditioned people to find food to eat in Cambodia.
5. To bond everybody together through their spiritual practices, gratefulness, social networking and local stylizing.
6. To increase the sense of multiculturalism, fraternity, compassion, respect, unity and righteousness.
7. To unify the interests, concerns and identity roots of the national or international distinctions and stratifications.

Factual accounts of P'chum Ben Day
There is the reality and legendary about P'chum Ben Day.
- Buddha taught and explained that our ancestors who died and reborn as angels, animals, human beings or in hell cannot receive our meritorious dedication. But if any of our ancestors or relatives who were born as the hungry ghost (Praet); they need food a to eat and they cannot eat like us; they eat only through our goodness, generosity and offering to dedicate to them by naming those relatives respectively. Doing this, all those relatives of hungry ghost can receive all the delicate food and offerings. So it is possible for us to gain merits as our ancestors can receive our offerings as well as through our own hearted generosity and gratefulness.
- Buddha encouraged King Bhimpisara to celebrate this ceremony as well as everybody has to celebrate this too. Nobody in this world has never had relatives or ancestors who have been passed away. More than this, this auspicious celebration also inspires us to pay gratitude with our living parents, grandparents or seniors too.
- As the season is remarkable for its darkness during the night time makes Cambodian people think that their dead ancestors could be released from the abysses of woeful realms and wander around all over seven temples. If they don't see any of their children or relatives have offered any food or gain merits to dedicate to them; they will be sad, upset and sorrowful in their heart. This sadness echoes badly to their living relatives which can bring along with bad Kamma, bad luck and sufferings.


How to practice during ceremony?
During this time everybody prepares their body and mind, and sacrifice both materials, time and mind to join this day. All villagers and all different stratifications of people prepare their food and sweet, four necessities, offerings, special traditional dressing clothes; and they obligate to undertake the five commandments during this auspicious occasion.

For the food comprises of:
- Ordinary meal such as rice, soups, salted grilled fish, fresh grilled fish with mango sauce, spring roles, salad and fermented fish (prohok) etc.
- Some seasonal snacks or bakes such as Num Onsam and Num Korm (steamed cakes wrapped in banana leaves). Num Onsam is a kind of cylindrical cake of glutinous rice wrapped around a mixture of pork, salt and other ingredients. Num Korm and Nom Thmey is shaped like pyramid and made of rice-flour and filled with coconut and palm sugar mixture.
Some other distinctive fruits and snacks are also included.

For the four necessities include:
1. Saffron robes or clothes
2. Food and other storable foods
3. Umbrella, raincoats or shelters
4. Medicine, shampoo, toothpaste and tooth brash etc.
These four necessities always packed with brightly, pyramid wrap.

Some other Offerings includes
Candles
Incense sticks
Flowers
Water
Perfume
Garland or leis

Clothing is very colorful and delicate which include:
Sompot Hol or Sompot Phamoung which is the silk skirt of Cambodian women. It is dressed for national important day and Buddhist ceremonies. These delicate skirts always dress with short sleeve blouse (Aov Pak) made in Cambodia and put with tiny scarf. Men also wear neat dresses and polite.

Five commandments or precepts:
The five precepts in which every Cambodian Buddhist is aware about it and practice them in their daily life. Importantly, in this occasion they have to observe it to re-affirm their obligation and purification.
1. Panatipata veramani sikkhapadam samadiyami
I undertake the precept to refrain from destroying living creatures.
2. Adinnadana veramani sikkhapadam samadiyami
I undertake the precept to refrain from taking that which is not given.
3. Kamesu micchacara veramani sikkhapadam samadiyami
I undertake the precept to refrain from sexual misconduct.
4. Musavada veramani sikkhapadam samadiyami
I undertake the precept to refrain from incorrect speech such as lying, malicious words, harsh words and talk in vain.
5. Suramerayamajja pamadatthana veramani sikkhapadam samadiyami
I undertake the precept to refrain from intoxicating drinks and drugs which lead to carelessness.

Overview the appropriate practices during the celebration
When food, dressing and other necessities are already prepared; individuals have to be aware when they are stepping into the monasteries compound or ceremonial spaces. They should keep quiet, modesty and polite. Wearing hats are not allowed. They should take off shoes before stepping into the hall or ceremonial space. People will go in front of the Buddha statues and sit with a right position calmly, bow down three times, lit the candles and incense sticks, offer flowers and perfume. After listening attentively to the monk's preaching, chanting or other blessing; they should prepare food which is ready to offer to the monks. Most of the time, all participants will put their rice into the rice bowl collected by the long procession of monks. During offering the food into alms bowl, they have to take off shoe and concentrate on merits and dedicate to their dead ancestors by naming with good wishing.

All of these good-deed activities must be attentive, silent, peaceful, mindful and compassionate. When our mind is peaceful during the cession; we can feel the great merits growing in our heart and the blissful sense we should receive from this paying gratitude to our ancestors.


More than this, when the application of our mind access deeply, subtle and insightful to the Dhamma; we can get into the Dhamma stream which is the stream of Enlightenment.

Conclusion
There are many other things symbolizing Cambodian culture and identity, but Pchum Ben Day is considered as the most important one. In this day, people will not only attend because of their faith, their generosity, tradition or habit, but to survive their daily life and strengthen the "family society system/tradition of Cambodia". Distinctively, to develop their individuality of right thought and right understanding; and strive persistently toward individual's goal follows the eightfold path of ethics awareness, peaceful meditation and insightful wisdom.

This is rigorous for everybody to come, participate and enjoy this solemn day.

By Preah Bhikkhu Vodano Sophan S.

August 22, 2006

Email: sophan@hawaii.edu

Original source: http://sophanse.blogspot.com/2006/08/cambodian-pchum-ben-day-festival-or.html

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Ke Kimyan-Hun Sen Rift Inside Cambodia's Ruling Party Said Flaring Up Again



17 Sep 07
By Srei Ka
Moneakseka Khmer
Translated from Khmer and posted online

A high-ranking official of the Cambodian People's Party [CPP] said that Prime Minister Hun Sen and Armed Forces Supreme Commander Ke Kimyan seldom see eye to eye with each other. In 1997-98 Hun Sen and Ke Kimyan had problem with each other once before, but thanks to a timely internal reconciliation effort and also because he did not want the outside world to see that the CPP was rifting, Hun Sen accepted the party's internal arbitration since Ke Kimyan was also a fellow member of the CPP Permanent Committee. At that time, Ke Kimyan and Sar Kheng were not yet related by the marriage of their children, but when Hun Sen and Ke Kimyan fell out with each other, Chea Sim, Heng Samrin, Say Chhum, and Sar Kheng moved in to help find a settlement, in which all of them sided with Ke Kimyan.

According to the same CPP official, even Chea Soth, the most senior of the party's elders and sixth most powerful person in the party, also stood behind Ke Kimyan. For this reason, Hun Sen could not do anything to Ke Kimyan.

Some other CPP officials, too, agreed that Ke Kimyan and Hun Sen were not on good terms with each other but the CPP has made a great effort to prevent this problem from spilling over and leaking to the outside.

The CPP official said that Hun Sen announced his resignation as armed forces supreme commander, handing over this post to Ke Kimyan and even presenting him with a gold-handled pistol, a gift from an Indonesian army chief, during the first ceremony to destroy weapons held at the Olympic Stadium the following year. However, this was merely a diplomatic ploy to hoodwink the world and prevent it from seeing that there was a rift inside the CPP. Anyway, the command of armed forces was still solely in Hun Sen's hands.

The same CPP official said that Hun Sen was also worried after he announced the handover of the supreme commander's post to Ke Kimyan, fearing that CPP military commanders would listen to Ke Kimyan's orders. Therefore, he hastily appointed Kun Kim as deputy supreme commander of the armed forces. This invited a mixture of criticisms as Kun Kim had never been a military commander nor was he trained by any military academy before. After Kun Kim was appointed there was a strong expression of discontentment from Tie Banh, Meas Sophea, and Pol Saroeun. However, Hun Sen then resorted to the trick of beating the cart to spite the oxen by not directly blaming Tie Banh, Meas Sophea, or Pol Saroeun but instead blaming the Cambodia Daily, which interviewed these army chiefs, saying that this newspaper was stirring up trouble.

According to the CPP official, after appointing Kun Kim and more or less settling the problem inside the party, Hun Sen sent Kun Kim to attend a brief course at a military academy in Vietnam to shut up his critics from accusing him of appointing a man who did not go through a military school as an army chief.

The same source said that in the situation in which the CPP was dealing with its internal crisis, a number of moderate army commanders stood on the sideline, belonging to no particular faction. These included Pol Saroeun, deputy supreme commander of the armed forces and chief of the joint staffs, and Meas Sophea, deputy supreme commander of the armed forces and Army commander. But now, these two top-leveled commanders appear to have drifted away from Hun Sen.

The high-ranking CPP official said that at first Hun Sen wanted to intimidate Ke Kimyan by pounding on him like someone squashing a nit. However, the situation has turned out to be different from what he thought, for not only is Ke Kimyan related to Sar Kheng by the marriage of their children and is openly a man of Chea Sim several army chiefs have also lent him their support. This is because several veteran CPP army chiefs seem to be very annoyed with the way Hun Sen has been appointing and promoting the young generations. Some of the latter are businessmen who do not even know which direction the barracks faces are already given a general's stars. It is true that the signing of the promotion for an officer must go through the Supreme Command and the minister of national defense. However, some cases ordered by Hun Sen are difficult for Ke Kimyan and Tie Banh to decline. The two have to obey.

Some military observers and diplomats concurred that recently Ke Kiyan and Hun Sen appeared to be in disagreement again. This is because at a few public forums where the majority of CPP ministers and army chiefs were seen escorting Hun Sen but Ke Kimyan was conspicuously absent. As a matter of fact, recently either Pol Saroeun or Kun Kim was seen playing the role of acting supreme commander of the armed forces.

An officer at the Supreme Command said that normally when Ke Kimyan is absent from the Supreme Command it is Pol Saroeun who acts in his place. But now, even in the absence of Ke Kiyan, Pol Saroeun, too, is not always present. Instead, it is Kun Kim who more frequently acts as supreme commander.

According to the CPP official, the party elders are trying to reconcile the rift inside the party between Hun Sen and Ke Kimyan, but their effort apparently has not borne fruit. Therefore, the Hun Sen-Ke Kimyan confrontation is suspected to be flaring up inside the CPP again.

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Monday, October 08, 2007

Vassa, The Buddhist Lent

Vassa, The Buddhist Lent

By Antonio Graceffo

Most of us have some aspect of our personality or our life that we wish to change. We want to lose weight, quit smoking, save money, or develop the discipline to meditate daily and heal our minds. Some people wish to become less materialistic and to appreciate the simple things in life. Our biggest holidays, Christmas and Thanks Giving (and Chanuka) are good opportunities to overeat, overindulge, overspend, over-consume, and overdo.

What most westerners need is a prolonged fast, a quiet return to the simple life and an escape from the modern world of consumer culture. The Buddhists have such a holiday.

Toward the end of July, travelers may have noticed inordinate numbers of monks crowding the bus stations of Cambodia ’s and Thailand . Most of the monks were given special leave to visit their families, in preparation to the Buddhist lent, a three month celebration of faith, when they would not be permitted to leave the monastery.

Anyone who has tried doing business in South East Asia during rainy season, you will find that things slow down immensely. Actually, the slow down, at least in part, is based on the observance of the Buddhist holiday, Vassa (called Phansa in Thailand ), the Buddhist lent, which is primarily practiced in Cambodia , Thailand , Lao, and Burma . The Buddhist lent is often loosely referred to as the “rain retreat.” The period of deep religious dedication begins on the first day of the waning moon of the eighth lunar month.

The word Vassa is actually an old Pali word which means rain. The holiday is divided into two parts. The first part, for the entering of the rainy season, is called “Choul Phrah Vassaanother. The second part, for the exit of the rainy season, is called “Cheanh Phrah Vassa”. While lay people are free to chose what level of discipline they wish to exert in following the rules of the lent. For monks, however, strict observance is mandatory.

Non-monks often use this Lenten period to renew their spiritual practices and give up some of their luxuries, such as meat, alcohol, or smoking.

During the lent period, normally from August to October (depending on lunar months), monks aren't allowed to sleep outside their temple, neither are they permitted to wear “regular clothes.” The tradition stems from a story abut how Buddha remained in the temple during rainy season to prevent stepping on any insects of sprouting seeds. They are, however, permitted to go out during the day.

Monks use this period of restricted movement to do intensive study, meditation, and prayer. This is also a time when they would teach the sacred scriptures to younger monks.

Buddhist lent is the most important religious holiday for monks, novices, and lay people. Monks stop wandering and stay on the temple grounds. Novices benefit because they receive additional education. Laypeople stop doing evil and cut back on bad habits. Some people take this opportunity to purify themselves and start a new life.

A few days before the Buddhist Lent, Cambodian people buy pairs of big candles decorated with dragons or flowers. One candle is for the buyer and one to get a husband or wife in the next life. The day before Buddhist Lent, the 15th day of the dark moon, commemorates the first sermon of Buddha to his first five disciples. Crowds of people gather in the temple in order to listen to the Dharma. In some parts of Cambodia there are grand candle processions, with the people walking three times around the pagoda with the lighted candles.

And thus begins a three month period of abstinence, sobriety, and meditation.

If you really want to understand the southeast Asian culture, and if you want to stop gambling or drinking shoe polish, Buddhist Lent could be like a low-cost spa treatment to get your life back on track.




Antonio Graceffo is an adventure and martial arts author living in Asia . He is a professional fighter and the author of four books available on amazon.com Contact him Antonio@speakingadventure.com see his website www.speakingadventure.com

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Thursday, September 27, 2007

China's 'long shadow' on Cambodia


The New York Review of Books has a long article this week on China’s support of Cambodia, written by a longtime foreign correspondent for the French newspaper Le Figaro. The article by Francois Hauter is behind this pay wall, but here is the opening paragraph, an excerpt and the surprising ending:

In Phnom Penh, the capital of Cambodia, the economy is going strong, but the prime minister, Hun Sen, has organized the plunder of the nation's resources for the benefit of its powerful neighbor, China, in exchange for Beijing's protection.
….
Cambodia was on its last legs when the Vietnamese invaded in December 1978, and they installed the new government dominated by Hun Sen, who became prime minister in 1985. A consummate survivor, he is still prime minister twenty-two years later. He did everything he could to prevent the public trial of Khmer Rouge leaders demanded by the United Nations. Why? Because although he had been placed in power by the Vietnamese, he had long since transferred his allegiance to the Chinese government, which had been the chief patron of the Khmer Rouge regime, supplying it with arms, food, training, and international backing. To put the Khmer Rouge leaders on trial would have been to denounce Chinese collaboration in the Khmer genocide. It would also have compromised certain tangible interests. "China is a very great country," Hun Sen declared recently. “If 1.3 billion Chinese were all to urinate at the same time, it would unleash a major flood. But China's leaders are doing good things with their partners.... When China gives, there are no strings attached. You can do what you want with the money.”

The Cambodian leaders did not fail to take advantage of the opportunity. State assets were sold off to the highest bidder. One scholar, François Mangin, has estimated that between 1993 and 1999, the Cambodian government sold concessions to more than a third of Cambodia's most productive land, mainly to foreign companies engaged in commercial exploitation of forests, mineral resources, agriculture, fisheries, and tourism.

To cite just one example: Pheapimex and Wuzishan, two companies run by the best friend of Hun Sen's wife, were given rights to develop and exploit more than 1.26 million acres of forest with logistical support from Chinese firms.

The proceeds from land confiscation which primarily involves the pillage of Cambodian forests for Chinese exploitation have been used to finance the prime minister's party and his security force, which is the only well-equipped military unit in the country (other brigades are employed in the transport of timber). Money acquired dishonestly is laundered in nine casinos now operating in Poipet, a town near the Thai border. Western governments and international aid organizations, including the World Bank and Asian Development Bank, are well aware of this phenomenal corruption.
…..

What seems to me more singular about Beijing's attitude toward Cambodia, however, is that Chinese officials have shown themselves unable to support "good" practices rather than "bad" ones. Hun Sen and his collaborators have long held Cambodia in their grip, and that has suited the Chinese Communists just fine. Beijing has also backed the despicable military government in Burma and the paranoid North Korean dictator. Whatever mad regime might serve China's interests, regardless of the suffering inflicted on the victims of those regimes, has been accepted, tolerated, and supported by the Chinese. Western diplomats have taken much satisfaction in denouncing their "cynicism."

But is it really cynicism? It is in the name of pragmatism that the Chinese do not allow moral considerations to weigh on their minds. Without any qualms, they adapt instantly to whatever situation they find, good and bad. This absolute pragmatism is the rule in the private sphere as well as for public affairs. I am reminded of what a Chinese friend told me when I expressed my exasperation at this failure to distinguish between good and evil. She answered: "My father told me, 'Be good, but not too good, or else you will die, for your place will be in Heaven, not on earth. And don't be too bad, either, or you won't deserve your place on earth." Had the balloon seller said the same thing, it might have mitigated my rage against Hun Sen's clique.

----------------------------------------



China Rises is written by Tim Johnson, the Beijing bureau chief for McClatchy Newspapers. He covers both China and Taiwan.

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Saturday, September 15, 2007

Cambodia To Terminate Khmer Rouge Tribunal If Sihanouk Still Wanted To Testify

Then-Prince Norodom Sihanouk (R) during a meeting with
Khmer Rouge leaders in Cambodia's "so-called" liberation zone, in April 1973.


Great heroic King Norodom Sihanouk will become a confrontation between Cambodia and the United Nations in the trial process for former Khmer Rouge [KR] leaders

13 September 2007

Rasmei Kampuchea
Translated from Khmer and posted online
Source: KI-Media

"Great heroic King Norodom Sihanouk will become a confrontation between Cambodia and the United Nations in the trial process for former Khmer Rouge [KR] leaders," said an unattributed report from the 13 September edition of the pro-government Cambodian newspaper Phnom Penh Reaksmei Kampuchea posted on the Everyday.com.kh portal.

The report added that to the United Nations, no one could be above the law, and Peter Foster, the UN spokesman of the Khmer Rouge Tribunal [KRT], recently said, "It was up to the KRT judges and prosecutors to decide who should be indicted and who should be summoned as witness."

The report also said that in light of Peter Foster's remarks, the "former king could be invited to the KRT as witness, because he used to be the head of state of the Democratic Kampuchea [DK] regime, before deciding to resign from that position in 1976. Despite the reaction from the king father [Norodom Sihanouk] and from other Cambodian leaders, the United Nations was still adamant that the indictment or summons of witnesses was up to the KRT judges."

The report further said that a letter dated 6 September 2007 sent to Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of the Royal Palace, Mrs. Michelle Lee, deputy head of the KRT administration office, "continued to maintain that only the tribunal judges were competent to decide who should be the witnesses."

The report added that although the letter said "Peter Foster did not intend to affect the reputation of the great heroic king, Mrs. Michelle Lee did not guarantee that the king father would be neither indicted nor summoned to appear in the KRT."

The report said that Lao Mong Hay, former president of the Cambodian Institute for Democracy and a jurist currently in Hong Kong, wrote a controversial article entitled "No Immunity for Sihanouk." In the article he said, "A lot of Cambodian people still believe that Samdech Sihanouk was the instrument for the KR Victory. Therefore, he should be responsible for the suffering of the Cambodian people in the KR regime."

"Therefore," Lao Mong Hay added, "recently the KRT should be neither intimidated nor threatened by the Cambodian Government. This tribunal should preserve its independence. It should persistently withstand the immunity of Samdech Sihanouk and summon him to appear in the law court whenever the truth, justice and/or human rights require it to do so."

The report also said that Lao Mong Hay used strong words saying, "Samdech Sihanouk's immunity from the trial is illegal, does not conform to the Constitution, and cannot be protected. The use of immunity by Samdech Sihanouk himself or with the support from the government to shun the tribunal will only reinforce/strengthen the belief that he was part of the responsibilities for the suffering of the Cambodian people under the KR regime."

Lao Mong Hay added, "It is an obstruction of justice and destruction of the rights of the Cambodian people, who have already endured enough suffering. It will also prevent Cambodia from settling its past story through the court of justice."

"Nonetheless," the report added, "Cambodian leaders are resolutely against any efforts or intentions to bring the king father to the KRT. Political parties, including the Cambodian People's Party, the FUNCINPEC [National United Front for an Independent, Neutral, Peaceful, and Cooperative Cambodia] Party, the Norodom Ranariddh Party, and some other parties as well as the Senate, the National Assembly, and the Royal Government led by with Prime Minister Samdech Hun Sen, too, condemn the idea of wanting to have the ex-king, who is sacred to the Cambodian people, tried at the KRT."

To Cambodia, the report added, the trial of the king father was to "set all the Cambodian people's heart on roaring fire." Prime Minister Hun Sen said, "We cannot remain with our hands folded. We must destroy such an intention."

Moreover, recently Khieu Kanhnharit, information minister and government spokesman, too, warned, "Cambodia would terminate the KRT if they still nurtured the intention of bringing the king father to the KRT," the report pointed out.

As for the king father, the report said, he, too, "refused to appear in the KRT as witness." He "indirectly invited Peter Foster and other UN officials to a meeting with him in the Royal Palace scheduled for 8 September to discuss the questions regarding the KR and himself."

However, the report added, UN officials and judges "did not to and see the ex-king as scheduled, partly because the letter of invitation had not been sent to the KRT officially."

To this point, the report further said, there was "fear about a deadlock in the KRT. What would happen if the UN judges still had the intent to invite the king father to the KRT and Cambodia resolutely objected to it?"

"Will the United Nations be still imbued with the idea of inviting the king father to the law court despite Cambodia's objection? The great heroic king will become a test for the cooperation between Cambodia and the United Nations," the report concluded.

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Wednesday, September 12, 2007

Cambodia's Anti-Trafficking Efforts Still Weak, US Czar Says



11 September 2007
Source: VOANews

When the US State Department's new anti-human trafficking chief took his position in June, he found himself tasked with bringing nearly 50 countries in line with US standards for fighting the practice.

Cambodia is one of those countries, and if its efforts have not been strong enough, Mark Lagon said in a recent interview.

"Over time we've tried to get Cambodia's attention. At one point in the past it was subject to partial sanctions," Lagon said.

Cambodia remains on a US watch list for countries that are not doing enough to fight the movement of people for sex or labor. This is the second year it has been on the list, and, Lagon said, it can't stay there forever. It must either improve, or fall back onto a list of countries who are subject to US sanctions for their complicity in the practice.

The US estimates about 800,000 people are trafficked between nations each year. Most of them are women, and nearly half of them are under 18 years old. In Asia, Lagon said, that means Burmese victimized in the Thai fishing industry, sex trafficking to Malaysia, and high numbers of people shipped across China for labor in brick kilns and on farms.

In Cambodia, most of those trafficked are sex slaves.

"At a certain point, one has to ask the question, is this a matter of will, rather than a matter of lacking capacity?" Lagon said.

Cambodia has not done enough to stop corrupt officials—including the national police—that allow the slave trade to thrive.

The worst of that is child prostitution, with customers from Asia and abroad.

"Americans as tourists can be insidious consumers of sexually exploited children," he said, "and we're going to do everything we can, in partnership, to fight those bastards."

The practice is difficult to destroy at its roots. Traffickers are devious. They prey on the hopes of the rural poor, promising them a better life. They often find a ready ear.

"They say, 'Migrate to this other place, other part of the country, another neighboring state [country], there will be better economic conditions there," Lagon said. "And they often describe a different life, a life as a dancer, a life as a domestic servant, and it turns out to be something frightfully different."

Recruiters will ask to hold a passport, an obvious warning sign and an easy way for criminals to control trafficking victims. And Human trafficking is lucrative, making it difficult to stamp out.

In Cambodia, police officials, including National Police Chief Hok Lundy, have been implicated in the crime of buying and selling human beings for the sex trade.

Although some US agencies work with Hok Lundy, and he has denied involvement, Lagon, who's former boss was a strong opponent of the police chief, said he has not seen satisfactory proof from Hok Lundy to clear him of the allegations.

"The burden of proof must always lie with officials who have been corrupt and who have been part of the problem and part of dehumanization of their fellow citizens," Lagon said. "That will always be the case with Hok Lundy."

Until recently, the US State Department refused to allow Hok Lundy in the country , and Lagon said such measures may be working.

Agencies like the Federal Bureau of Investigation now work with the police, but Lagon said the US is still pushing the authorities to clean up.

"We're trying to work, region-wide, on the key to the puzzle," he said. "And the key to the puzzle is rule of law."

Without the rule of law, he said, there never be dignity for all.

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Thursday, September 06, 2007

The rise and rise of a Cambodian capitalist

Kith Meng (Owner of Royal Group of Companies: CTN, MobiTel-012,
the Camlot lottery company and a 45% stake venture with Australia's ANZ Bank
and the head of the Phnom Penh Chamber of Commerce)


By Shawn W Crispin
Source: Asia Time Online

PHNOM PENH – Kith Meng's is the bold new face of Cambodian capitalism. Widely considered the country's richest entrepreneur, the Sino-Khmer businessman presides over a sprawling business empire held under his Royal Group of Companies which has leveraged into and helped drive Cambodia's recent economic boom.

With impeccable political connections - including not least his role as a personal advisor to Prime Minister Hun Sen - Kith Meng, 37, has secured a growing trove of lucrative government concessions, licenses and land deals that his Royal Group has in sometimes controversial fashion translated into big business profits.

Those include his controlling stakes in CTN television, mobile telecom leader Mobitel, the Camlot lottery company and a 45% stake in a commercial banking joint venture with Australia's ANZ Bank, where he serves as board chairman and reportedly drives strategic decision-making.

Last year he purchased the swanky Cambodiana Hotel, newly established the Infinity Insurance company and accumulated extensive property holdings and development concessions in the capital Phnom Penh, in what his critics contend are often opaque deals brokered with various line ministries. (Kith Meng could not be reached through his Royal Group for comment.)

His growing service sector empire has drawn both favorable and unfavorable comparisons to neighboring Thailand's telecom tycoon-cum-prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra's commercial and political ascent. He reportedly will seek a seat on the national senate at upcoming elections and some Phnom Penh-based analysts see him one day as a potential successor to the 55-year-old Hun Sen, who they note rose to political prominence through his military prowess rather than business acumen.

A former refugee from political violence, Kith Meng's is one of Cambodia's most compelling rags to riches stories. His father, Kith Peng Ike, a Sino-Khmer businessman and landlord, was singled out as a "class enemy" during the Khmer Rouge's genocidal purges and he reportedly died from starvation in one of the radical Maoist group's labor camps.

Kith Meng and his family fled the country for Australia, where he was raised and educated. He returned to his war-torn homeland in the early 1990s to help his elder brother, Sophan Kith, to develop the resurrected family business, which upon reestablishment was first known as the Royal Cambodia Company. The enterprise started modestly, supplying furniture, food and office equipment to the United Nations authority that ushered Cambodia's rocky transition from civil war to parliamentary democracy.

In 1991 the Royal Group won the rights to distribute exclusively Canon copiers throughout the country and it quickly spun those monopoly revenues into a joint venture in 1993 with Motorola to establish one of Cambodia's first wireless communication networks. It later did a deal with Luxembourg's Millicom International Cellular, which over the years has grown into the country's leading mobile telecom outfit, Mobitel.

In 1994 Sophan Kith died under mysterious circumstances and, peculiar to cultural norms of seniority as the youngest sibling, Kith Meng took control over the family business. He now serves as both the company's chairman and chief executive officer and his cut-throat approach to business expansion has rapidly transformed the Royal Group into Cambodia's leading service sector conglomerate.

Young gun
As a Western-educated, 37-year-old entrepreneur, Kith Meng's resume stands out among the older generation of ethnic Chinese businessmen who dominate Cambodia's traditional economy. Cambodian politicians have long relied on Sino-Khmer businessmen to run crucial sectors of the national economy, similar to the ethnic-based government-business nexuses seen in Thailand and Indonesia.

In Cambodia that privilege comes with a royal title known as Okhna, which is bestowed on those who make sizable financial contributions to the royal family. Kith Meng is believed to be one of the youngest businessmen to ever receive the honorific and his meteoric commercial rise includes his recent selection as the head the Cambodian Chamber of Commerce.

As Cambodia becomes more integrated into the global economy, Kith Meng has emerged as the government's de facto spokesman for selling the country to potential foreign investors as a profitable and desirable place to do business. He is regularly seen on local television wining and dining foreign business delegations. On the Royal Group's website is a pitch to potential foreign investors to help build its proposed Royal Caesar Casino, which it's billing as "the largest and most dazzling gaming facility in the Cambodia hemisphere".

Beyond the diplomacy and hype, there is much more at play to Kith Meng's growing prominence than mere spin-doctoring. Some political analysts contend that Hun Sen has played an instrumental role in cultivating and mobilizing the young entrepreneur's modern business image in a vigorous public relations effort to shirk his and his government's notorious reputation as the "Mafia on the Mekong".

Cambodia emerged from nearly three decades of civil war only to become known as a regional hub for illicit business, including rampant money laundering, drug smuggling, human trafficking and illegal logging. Hun Sen and his Cambodia People's Party's (CPP) have been directly linked to shadowy figures reputedly involved in illicit businesses, including his established ties to businessman Theng Bunma, who has contributed millions of dollars to the premier's past election campaigns and also implicated by US authorities for alleged drug trafficking.

As Cambodia's aboveground economy booms, state concessions are no doubt providing rich new sources of legitimate revenues for Hun Sen's government. It is unknown whether Kith Meng contributes funds directly to his CPP, but his concession payments to line ministries are no doubt bolstering state coffers. One Phnom Penh-based Western businessman who spoke on condition of anonymity and claims to have personally conducted the due diligence research on the Royal Group's recent joint venture with Australia's ANZ Bank says that his in-depth investigations failed to turn up any "dirty laundry" in Kith Meng's past or present business dealings.

Reborn landed gentry
That's not to say his business practices lack for controversy. Kith Meng's style has reportedly ruffled feathers among the more established Okhna represented in the Cambodia Chamber of Commerce, whereby the older generation of Sino-Khmer businessmen have bristled at his perceived patronizing lectures about globalization and at what some of them reportedly view as his overly direct Western-style of interaction.

Whether those complaints stem from genuine pique or instead heartfelt fear of Kith Meng's expanding reach into other Okhna's once monopolized markets is unclear. One Western aid agency representative, who spoke with Asia Times Online on condition of anonymity, says that soon after launching last year’s joint venture with ANZ Bank, Kith Meng pushed to expand the bank's local branch network much faster than ANZ first planned. That aggressive strategy, it turns, has paid off handsomely through a fast growing market share of deposits and the lion's share of loans in the nascent home mortgage market.

Other times, critics say, Kith Meng's Royal Group pushes too hard. In June 2006 police armed with batons, tear gas and AK47 assault rifles evicted at least 20 families from a contested land plot worth several million dollars next to Phnom Penh's Preah Monivong Hospital which the government had controversially awarded to the Royal Group for development. The resident families were reportedly given US$500-$1,500 in compensation and trucked to a relocation site 30 kilometers outside the capital which lacked electricity and water.

Similar complaints have arisen from his plans for the landmark Bassac Theater. In 2005, the culture ministry granted the concession, which called on the Royal Group to rehabilitate the damaged structure in exchange for the rights to outfit the theater's surrounding land with new offices and a conference center. The company has since decided to demolish the historic building and evict the scores of artists who after the Khmer Rouge's "class enemy" purges took refuge in the old theater.

Those same artists have resurrected the traditional Khmer art forms that the Maoist movement aimed to destroy and after squatting at the historic site for over a decade, each has received $300 to abandon an area where land prices now top $1,000 per square meter. The irony of such deals is not lost on Kith Meng's critics, who contend that the Royal Group is capitalizing on the legal vacuum for adjudicating land ownership rights created by the Khmer Rouge's destruction of the national land registries.

On the Royal Group's website, Kith Meng says in a statement that the company's origins trace "back to the early days of the Khmer Rouge occupation" – meaning, presumably, the property and businesses his father maintained before the radical Maoist movement killed him and drove his family, including a young Kith Meng, into exile. In Cambodia's latest capitalist incarnation, government connections often trump historical claims and reassert old social class divisions, of which Kith Meng's and the Royal Group's fast expanding commercial domain is living proof.

Shawn W Crispin is Asia Times Online's Southeast Asia Editor.

=======

Cambodia's MobiTel to buy telecommunication materials from Singapore
September 05, 2007
Source: People's Daily Online

MobiTel, Cambodia's largest mobile phone service provider, signed an agreement to purchase 150 million U.S. dollars worth of telecommunication materials from the Singapore-based Alcaltel-Lucent Company, officials said on Wednesday.

"Today we signed the purchase agreement of telecommunication materials from Alcatel-Lucent Company to further advance the availability of world-class cellular phone services in Cambodia," said Kith Meng, chairman of MobiTel.

The agreement will allow a major expansion of MobiTel's rural network, increasing the access to modern communication for many more people throughout Cambodia, he said.

Pierre-Alain Cadillon, vice president and head of the South Asia regional unit of Alcatel-Lucent, said that the expansion over the next four years will bring a new range of mobile communication services, ranging from voice mail, video transmission, mobile TV to internet access, to more three million subscribers in Cambodia.

Kith Meng said that MobiTel borrowed money from banks of the United States and Australia to finish the purchase, and the Cambodian government also provided support.

Kith Meng and Pierre-Alain Cadillon signed the agreement here Wednesday in the presence of Cambodian Deputy Prime Minister Sok An.

Cambodia opened the mobile telecommunication sector to private capital in 1992. Currently, around 21 percent of the kingdom's 14 million population adopt mobile phone as their major communication solution.

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No immunity for Sihanouk

Lao Mong Hay is currently a senior researcher at the
Asian Human Rights Commission in Hong Kong. He was previously
director of the Khmer Institute of Democracy in Phnom Penh,
Cambodia, and a visiting professor at the University of
Toronto in 2003. In 1997, he received an award from
Human Rights Watch and the Nansen Medal in 2000 from the
United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees.


Commentary: No immunity for Sihanouk
HONG KONG, Sep. 5
LAO MONG HAY
Column: Rule by Fear
Source: UPI Asia Online

Over the last two weeks, the Cambodian government has mounted vitriolic attacks against a request for former King Sihanouk, now 84, to be stripped of his immunity and face trial in the mixed Cambodian-U.N. tribunal set up to try senior Khmer Rouge leaders.

The government branded the request by the Cambodian Action Committee for Justice and Equity, a U.S.-based non-governmental organization, a "public agitation" that "could have the result of jeopardizing the peace and unity" of Cambodia "and play into the hands of those who would seek to return [the country] to its former state of war and chaos." Prime Minister Hun Sen called the request "very barbaric" and said that the top state institutions could not stand by and watch it set a fire blazing in the heart of the Cambodian people.

Other leading state institutions joined the government in "absolutely rejecting" and "condemning" the request. They glorified Sihanouk's services to the nation, which included giving Cambodia its independence, territorial integrity, unity and national reconciliation. They also claimed he had suffered when he had been overthrown by a coup in 1970 and when he had been under the rule of the Khmer Rouge between 1975 and 1979. Sihanouk "had suffered more than most rulers," Hun Sen claimed.

In line with Cambodian law and assistance agreements between the Cambodian government and the United Nations, Peter Foster, the tribunal's U.N. spokesman, in his comment on the same request, was reported as saying that it was up to the tribunal to decide whom to call as a witness and whom to indict. He added that Sihanouk could be called as a witness.

Following this statement, the government issued a warning on Aug. 31 that "Cambodia will kick out the Khmer Rouge Tribunal if it brings Great, Valorous King Sihanouk to trial." Moreover, it asserted that there should not be a summons to Sihanouk to appear in court as a witness. If the judges or prosecutors of that tribunal "issue such a summons, we shall kick out that tribunal," it added, claiming that any such summons would "humiliate" what it called the "symbol" of Cambodia.

Sihanouk became king of Cambodia in 1941 and abdicated in 1955. In 1960, he became head of state with executive power but was not crowned king at that time. In 1970, he was overthrown in a coup, which engulfed Cambodia during the Vietnam War and led to the Chinese-backed Khmer Rouge's armed struggle alongside and with support from the Vietnamese communist forces.

Sihanouk, while in China in the immediate aftermath of being overthrown, became the head of the Khmer Rouge-dominated government in exile. From China, Sihanouk used his popularity to mobilize the Cambodian people to "go into the maquis (jungle)" to join the Khmer Rouge. The latter's army then grew from strength to strength and won power in 1975, and Sihanouk remained head of state of the Khmer Rouge regime until 1976.

In 1982, Sihanouk again became head of state of the Cambodian resistance movement against the Vietnamese-installed government in Cambodia. At the end of the latter war, in 1993, he was re-crowned king. Although he abdicated again in 2004, the Cambodian Parliament named him "Great Valorous King" in recognition of his lifelong dedicated service to the country and achievements and conferred upon him the same privileges and immunities as those constitutionally conferred upon the reigning monarch, which includes immunity from prosecution.

This act of Parliament conferring immunity was unconstitutional, however, as the Constitution of Cambodia confers this immunity only upon the reigning monarch and not upon anyone else. Nor has that act any moral legitimacy, for under its Constitution, Cambodia is supposed to be governed by the rule of law under which all are equal before the law and no one is above the law.

Furthermore, many Cambodian people still believe that Sihanouk was instrumental in the Khmer Rouge's victory and was therefore also responsible for the suffering of the Cambodian people under the Khmer Rouge's rule. They also want justice and to know the truth about their horrible past history in which Sihanouk must have had a hand due to his association with the Khmer Rouge.

Sihanouk's immunity from prosecution is illegitimate, unconstitutional and indefensible. Any use of it by Sihanouk himself or with government support to evade any court action only strengthens the belief in his share of responsibility for the suffering of the Cambodian people under the Khmer Rouge's rule. It is an obstruction of justice and jeopardizes the rights of Cambodia's people, who have endured enough grief. It will prevent the Cambodian nation from addressing their past through the tribunal.

The Khmer Rouge Tribunal thus should not be intimidated by the Cambodian government's latest threat and should maintain its independence. It should challenge Sihanouk's immunity and summons him to appear whenever truth, justice and/or the rights of the people so require.

--

(Lao Mong Hay is currently a senior researcher at the Asian Human Rights Commission in Hong Kong. He was previously director of the Khmer Institute of Democracy in Phnom Penh, Cambodia, and a visiting professor at the University of Toronto in 2003. In 1997, he received an award from Human Rights Watch and the Nansen Medal in 2000 from the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees.)

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