Editorial | Articles about Cambodia | Khmer

Saturday, September 18, 2010

The Killing Fields and Indonesia's Relations with Cambodia Revisited

By Jim Luce (Huffingtonpost.com)



I first met Benny Widyono at an Indonesian Consulate fete years ago. I knew upon meeting him that he had an extraordinary mind and knew Asia's southeast as well as he knew this nation's northeast. Living in Connecticut and commuting to his office at the U.N. for decades - when he wasn't living in Phnom Phen, clued me into that reality. I told him if he ever wrote his memoirs I wanted to read them. Sure enough, they arrived by post last week. And they are riveting.

The book Dancing in Shadows: Sihanouk, the Khmer Rouge, and the United Nations in Cambodia has just been published. It is excellent. I had planned to read it next month, but I could not put it down. It is well written, engaging, and highly informative. I now understand so much more of Cambodia's Cold-War history and how it led to the Killing Fields in which about two million Cambodians perished. Google reviewers have given this excellent book 4.5 stars.

Dr. Benny Widyono was born "Hong Lan Oei," but during the madness of the anti communist/anti-Chinese period in Indonesia that killed 800,000 suspected Communists including ethnic Chinese - also a result of the Cold War - his name was "nativized" under the Suharto regime. Indonesians were still not allowed to read or speak Chinese when I first arrived there in 1995. Thus, my struggle to adopt an Indonesian Chinese infant then to get him away from there. However, today normalcy has returned to the Republic and Chinese language and culture are no longer criminalized.

Benny is thus an excellent guide to post-colonial Cambodia. As a recipient of the title of Commandeur de L'Ordre Royal de Sahametrey in 2004, the highest title for civilians bestowed by H.M. King Sihanouk of Cambodia, Benny played an integral role working with the U.N. in the recovery from the death and destruction of Pol Pot in a way that a non-South East Asian could have. Another key player at the time was the Japanese head of United Nations in Cambodia, Yasushi Akashi.

Benny notes in his book the King's words to the Japanese head of the U.N. presence in Cambodia:


"I wish to thank you, Excellency Mr. Yasushi Akashi, for sending another prince from Java to help bring peace to Cambodia," quipped Norodom Sihanouk, the King of Cambodia, referring to me.

We were at the official inauguration of my office, the provincial headquarters of the U.N. Transitional Authority on Cambodia (UNTAC) in Siemreap, Cambodia in 1992, the U.N. Peacekeeping operation established to bring peace to Cambodia.

Prior to our arrival, Cambodia was, due to its political location, been for 20 years the subject of turmoil, civil war and Khmer Rouge induced genocide. To end the stalemate of Cambodia having two governments... the U.N. became the temporary government until elections could be held.

Yasushi Akashi was the head of UNTAC and therefore, temporarily, the head of the country. I was his "governor" of Siemreap Province, home of the world famous Angkor Wat temple.


Benny's life is fascinating because he was raised in Indonesia in a minority religion - Roman Catholicism - and yet he attended the most prestigious university there, the University of Indonesia in Jakarta. He went on to study economics in the University of Texas. His Ph.D. dissertation compared the role of petroleum in economic development in Mexico and Indonesia. One week after he graduated he was offered a position with the United Nations in Thailand, beginning his professional and personal odyssey.

In 1981, Benny was transferred back to New York to work on helping countries cope with multinational corporations. In his new capacity he writes of coming home late from New York City as now his work at the U.N. consisted of "going to endless cocktail parties to lobby with ambassadors and other diplomats of member states. Most of the work gets done in these parties."

At the U.N. cocktail parties, he notes ruefully, the poorer the country the more lavish its reception:


One day Ethiopia celebrated its tenth anniversary of the Marxist revolution in that country with unlimited shrimps and other delicacies and whiskey and wine flowing all evening while we see pictures on BBC TV of starving Ethiopians looking like corpses.

Another anomaly was that the Khmer Rouge ambassador, who was responsible for killing 1.7 million of its own people, would strut about shaking hands with everybody to lobby against that bad fellow Hun Sen, Prime Minister of Cambodia who de facto ruled the country since 1979, because the U.S. and China spearheaded a resolution in the U.N. to continue to recognize the Khmer Rouge instead of the People's Republic of Kampuchea.


It is this encounter with the Khmer Rouge ambassador, plus his experiences in Thailand where he had witnessed Cambodian refugees escape the Khmer Rouge atrocities and appear -- one by one -- from the jungle like emaciated corpses. These survivors reminded him of those in Ethiopia which made me decide to volunteer for Cambodian service for the U.N. I wrote about such survivors such as my good friend Ambassador Sichan Siv, whose story I have also told.

Benny eventually represented the U.N. Secretary General in Cambodia after the Killing Fields in which about two million Cambodians perished

We all have this myth that we control our lives. Benny tells it as it is:


One day, in the restroom of my floor, the 31st floor of the United Nations, I stood next to Yasushi Akashi, who just became the head of UNTAC in Cambodia. I congratulated him and asked whether he can take me along to Cambodia. Knowing me well he said yes, you will be the governor of Siemreap Province., which has Angkor Wat and is the most Khmer Rouge invested province.

I said yes as I did not want to languish in some idyllic province on the beach where nothing happened. Thus the last five years I was transferred to Cambodia, where I was at the political forefront of the political turmoil in the tragedy of Cambodia. It turned out to be the best assignment and I found out that my real fascination was with politics which I watched first hand. It is like studying while getting paid at the same time.


In his capacity of UNTAC Governor, Benny inspected U.N. forces in Cambodia.

Benny writes in his book that Akashi was right:


I got plenty of excitement and adventure in Siemreap where the Khmer Rouge murderers were ever present although at day time Hun Sen's People's Republic of Kampuchea (PRK) reigned supreme in almost all the country.

Siemreap was attacked many times by the Khmer Rouge. Since it was too dangerous for wives to join their husbands my wife stayed in Connecticut although she came to visit me several times. Live was very primitive as the Hun Sen government was isolated by the U.N.

Danger was ever present and at night I could not sleep if I don't hear mortar fire as Hun Sen's troops were fighting the Khmer Rouge. One day Siemreap was attacked by 800 Khmer Rouge. I called my wife in Stamford from the only telephone at my headquarters. After a full day Hun Sen troops drove them away.


Soon he received a phone call from the powers that were in U.N. Headquarters in New York and he was appointed the political envoy of the Secretary-General Boutros Boutros Ghali in Cambodia.

Benny Widyono, Mrs. Bintari Sudarpo, King Norodom Sihanouk, Queen Monineath, with Indonesian Ambassador Taufik Sudarpo, and Benny's wife Francisca.

Soon, his wife joined him full time. They were often invited, together with other ambassadors, to dinner with the King. He watched over dinners and diplomatic dispatches - and reported to his new boss Kofi Annan - that as Cambodia acquired two prime ministers who were former enemies, and with the "wily king pulling the string from behind the scene," he smelled trouble. Both sides clashed and in 1997 Hun Sen became the only prime minister. Benny then reached the age of 60 -- the mandatorily retirement age at the U.N. - and he moved back to the U.S. to teach at several universities including Cornell.

Dr. Benny Widyono with Prime Minister Hun Sen who after the clash in 1997 continued to consolidate his power until today 2010.

Benny has remained active with Cambodia and continues includes a board position with the Peoples Improvement Organization, an NGO running slum area schools in Phnom Penh now with 850 students who each day get lunch and education in English. These schools were founded one of his former staffers, Phymean Noun, who became a CNN hero in 2009 for her work with children.

Benny sits on the Board position of an NGO running slum area schools in Phnom Penh founded one of his former staffers honored as a CNN hero for her work with children.

I have been delighted to know Dr. Benny Widyono, born "Hong Lan Oei," as an outstanding Indonesian-American active with the United Nations in Cambodia and around the world. His compassion for all - especially children - has impressed me greatly. Above and beyond being a thought leader and global citizen, Benny has been able to share his gripping life in an exceptional book. I highly recommend it.

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Friday, June 27, 2008

Cambodia Kicks Off General Election Campaign


Cambodia Kicks Off General Election Campaign


Source: AFP

PHNOM PENH (AFP) — Cambodian political parties on Thursday kicked off month-long campaigning for a general election that Prime Minister Hun Sen's ruling Cambodian People's Party (CPP) is expected to dominate.

Thousands of supporters of various parties took to the capital's streets for raucous marches, while motorscooters adorned with political banners and the national flag roared up and down the roads.

CPP president Chea Sim told about 10,000 supporters at their Phnom Penh headquarters that the ruling party was committed to economic growth.

The CPP supporters, dressed in T-shirts adorned with the party logo, cheered when Chea Sim took a swipe at rival parties.

"Those ill-willed people always elevate themselves while blaming others. They have done nothing in the interest of the people except tell lies, deceive, insult and agitate for conflict in the society," Chea Sim said.

"For this, they will not have a chance of getting the people's support," he added.

Opposition leader Sam Rainsy, wearing a garland of flowers, appealed to populist sentiments, vowing to fight inflation and other economic woes as he addressed 1,000 supporters in a Phnom Penh park.

"Land that has been grabbed will be given back to the people. Vote for Rainsy to drop the price of gasoline and raise the salaries of civil servants," he said to cheering supporters who later paraded with him through the city.

Despite the celebratory mood, analysts have said Sam Rainsy and the party that bears his name have little chance of defeating Prime Minister Hun Sen.

Hun Sen has run Cambodia for 23 years, making him Southeast Asia's longest-serving leader besides the sultan of Brunei.

His current coalition partner, the royalist Funcinpec party, has been hobbled by infighting and the ouster of its leader, Prince Norodom Ranariddh, who has formed his own party.

Ranariddh, in self-imposed exile in Kuala Lumpur and convicted of fraud for the illegal sale of his former party's headquarters, promised some 3,000 supporters by phone that he would address "border, immigration, poverty and (illegal) land selling issues."

"Stop voting for Prime Minister Hun Sen and his people, and vote for Norodom Ranariddh Party," he said.

With the royalist ranks divided, Sam Rainsy is the main opposition force, but is expected to win few votes outside the capital.

Hun Sen rival Kem Sokha has formed a new Human Rights Party that will be cutting its teeth in the polls.

There are 11 parties competing for 123 parliamentary seats in the July 27 poll.

Some 8.1 million people are registered to vote at 15,000 polling stations, under the eyes of more than 13,000 domestic and international observers.

Koul Panha, director of election monitoring group Comfrel, told AFP that there has been some political intimidation in the run up to the election but the atmosphere seemed to be "better than previous elections."

However the CPP retains a ubiquitous presence across the country and a tight grip on every level of government.

During his rule, Hun Sen has ruthlessly undermined his political rivals and staged a coup in 1997, after elections forced him to share power.

But he has also steered the impoverished country out of the ashes of civil war and overseen a growing economy through increasing trade and tourism.

Garment exports and tourism have brought double-digit economic growth, but Cambodia remains one of the world's poorest countries. Some 35 percent of its 14 million people live on less than 50 US cents a day.

Human rights activists have also questioned whether Cambodia's economic growth is coming at too high a price, and accuse the government of evicting poor villagers from their land to make way for a construction boom.

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Monday, May 26, 2008

Vintage photos of King Norodom Sihanouk

Receiving surrendering weapons from Dap Chhuon Khmer Issarak group
Crowning in 1941
Crowning 1941
In French army uniform
Inspecting local villagers armed with wooden weapons

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Thursday, September 06, 2007

No immunity for Sihanouk

Lao Mong Hay is currently a senior researcher at the
Asian Human Rights Commission in Hong Kong. He was previously
director of the Khmer Institute of Democracy in Phnom Penh,
Cambodia, and a visiting professor at the University of
Toronto in 2003. In 1997, he received an award from
Human Rights Watch and the Nansen Medal in 2000 from the
United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees.


Commentary: No immunity for Sihanouk
HONG KONG, Sep. 5
LAO MONG HAY
Column: Rule by Fear
Source: UPI Asia Online

Over the last two weeks, the Cambodian government has mounted vitriolic attacks against a request for former King Sihanouk, now 84, to be stripped of his immunity and face trial in the mixed Cambodian-U.N. tribunal set up to try senior Khmer Rouge leaders.

The government branded the request by the Cambodian Action Committee for Justice and Equity, a U.S.-based non-governmental organization, a "public agitation" that "could have the result of jeopardizing the peace and unity" of Cambodia "and play into the hands of those who would seek to return [the country] to its former state of war and chaos." Prime Minister Hun Sen called the request "very barbaric" and said that the top state institutions could not stand by and watch it set a fire blazing in the heart of the Cambodian people.

Other leading state institutions joined the government in "absolutely rejecting" and "condemning" the request. They glorified Sihanouk's services to the nation, which included giving Cambodia its independence, territorial integrity, unity and national reconciliation. They also claimed he had suffered when he had been overthrown by a coup in 1970 and when he had been under the rule of the Khmer Rouge between 1975 and 1979. Sihanouk "had suffered more than most rulers," Hun Sen claimed.

In line with Cambodian law and assistance agreements between the Cambodian government and the United Nations, Peter Foster, the tribunal's U.N. spokesman, in his comment on the same request, was reported as saying that it was up to the tribunal to decide whom to call as a witness and whom to indict. He added that Sihanouk could be called as a witness.

Following this statement, the government issued a warning on Aug. 31 that "Cambodia will kick out the Khmer Rouge Tribunal if it brings Great, Valorous King Sihanouk to trial." Moreover, it asserted that there should not be a summons to Sihanouk to appear in court as a witness. If the judges or prosecutors of that tribunal "issue such a summons, we shall kick out that tribunal," it added, claiming that any such summons would "humiliate" what it called the "symbol" of Cambodia.

Sihanouk became king of Cambodia in 1941 and abdicated in 1955. In 1960, he became head of state with executive power but was not crowned king at that time. In 1970, he was overthrown in a coup, which engulfed Cambodia during the Vietnam War and led to the Chinese-backed Khmer Rouge's armed struggle alongside and with support from the Vietnamese communist forces.

Sihanouk, while in China in the immediate aftermath of being overthrown, became the head of the Khmer Rouge-dominated government in exile. From China, Sihanouk used his popularity to mobilize the Cambodian people to "go into the maquis (jungle)" to join the Khmer Rouge. The latter's army then grew from strength to strength and won power in 1975, and Sihanouk remained head of state of the Khmer Rouge regime until 1976.

In 1982, Sihanouk again became head of state of the Cambodian resistance movement against the Vietnamese-installed government in Cambodia. At the end of the latter war, in 1993, he was re-crowned king. Although he abdicated again in 2004, the Cambodian Parliament named him "Great Valorous King" in recognition of his lifelong dedicated service to the country and achievements and conferred upon him the same privileges and immunities as those constitutionally conferred upon the reigning monarch, which includes immunity from prosecution.

This act of Parliament conferring immunity was unconstitutional, however, as the Constitution of Cambodia confers this immunity only upon the reigning monarch and not upon anyone else. Nor has that act any moral legitimacy, for under its Constitution, Cambodia is supposed to be governed by the rule of law under which all are equal before the law and no one is above the law.

Furthermore, many Cambodian people still believe that Sihanouk was instrumental in the Khmer Rouge's victory and was therefore also responsible for the suffering of the Cambodian people under the Khmer Rouge's rule. They also want justice and to know the truth about their horrible past history in which Sihanouk must have had a hand due to his association with the Khmer Rouge.

Sihanouk's immunity from prosecution is illegitimate, unconstitutional and indefensible. Any use of it by Sihanouk himself or with government support to evade any court action only strengthens the belief in his share of responsibility for the suffering of the Cambodian people under the Khmer Rouge's rule. It is an obstruction of justice and jeopardizes the rights of Cambodia's people, who have endured enough grief. It will prevent the Cambodian nation from addressing their past through the tribunal.

The Khmer Rouge Tribunal thus should not be intimidated by the Cambodian government's latest threat and should maintain its independence. It should challenge Sihanouk's immunity and summons him to appear whenever truth, justice and/or the rights of the people so require.

--

(Lao Mong Hay is currently a senior researcher at the Asian Human Rights Commission in Hong Kong. He was previously director of the Khmer Institute of Democracy in Phnom Penh, Cambodia, and a visiting professor at the University of Toronto in 2003. In 1997, he received an award from Human Rights Watch and the Nansen Medal in 2000 from the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees.)

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Tuesday, August 28, 2007

Exchange between the CPP and King-Father on CACJE request to remove King-Father's immunity




Translated from Khmer by Socheata

Cambodian People Party (CPP)
Central Committee

Statement of the CPP

Recently, there is a publication of a number of evil information wanting to remove the immunity of the Hero-King Norodom Sihanouk, and the annulment of Article 7 of the Cambodian Constitution during the progress of the Extraordinary Chamber in the Court of Cambodia (ECCC) in order to judge the crimes committed during the Democratic Kampuchea (DK) regime.

On this issue, the CPP publicly declared to the national and international community, the following:
  1. The CPP strongly condemns and rejects the intention described above which severely violates the constitution and the law of the Kingdom of Cambodia, with the aim of destroying the stability, the unity and the progress of the nation.
  2. The CPP always remembers the supreme good deed of Preah Karuna Preah Bat Samdech Preah Norodom Sihanouk who dedicated his body and knowledge to serve the people, the nation, and the homeland, and (the CPP) is strongly opposed to any actions that are contrary to the law to promulgate the royal title and prerogatives to the former monarch of the Kingdom of Cambodia and his wife, which the National Assembly ratified on 20 October 2004.
  3. The CPP supports the progress of the ECCC which operates under the Cambodian law to judge the criminal actions perpetrated during the DK regime based on the guarantee of peace, stability, national unity, national sovereignty, and justice for the people of Cambodia
The CPP maintains the goal of defending the Constitution, the realization of the national society for progress, and peace for the nation and the Cambodian people.

Phnom Penh, 24 August 2007

Permanent Committee

(Signed) Chea Sim

o----O----o
Norodom Sihanouk
of Cambodia

To Samdech Chea Sim,
CPP President

Highly respected and deeply loved Samdech President,

I am very moved and I am thanking you deeply for the statement dated 24 August 2007 issued by the CPP to provide justice for me in my service rendered to the nation and to the Cambodian people in front of our national history.

I am wishing Samdech President, and all the magnificent CPP members, with the five blessings.

Please Samdech President and Lok Chumteav Thom accept my highest respect, and my deepest love, as well as those from Queen-Mother.

(Signed) Norodom Sihanouk

Phnom Penh, 25 August, 2007

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Monday, August 27, 2007

Request for a Plenary Session Meeting of the National Assembly to Remove the Immunity of the Former Monarch


Unofficial translation from Khmer by Socheata

Cambodian Action Committee for Justice & Equity (CACJE)
451 Revere Beach Blvd, Revere, MA 02151, USA
Email: cac_je@yahoo.com, Tel: 401 451 8090
Spokesman and Representative to Cambodia: Mr. Nam Tara, Tel: (855-11) 918 009

20 August 2007

To: Samdech Heng Samrin, President of the National Assembly of the Kingdom of Cambodia

Subject: Request for a plenary session meeting of the National Assembly to remove the immunity of the former Monarch, and to annul Article 7 of the Cambodian Constitution during the period of the Khmer Rouge Tribunal session.

Based on the request subject above, the Cambodian Action Committee for justice and Equity believes that the maintenance of the immunity for former Monarch, Samdech Preah Norodom Sihanouk, and the enforcement of Article 7 of the Cambodian Constitution during the progress of the joint UN-Cambodian Tribunal to judge former Khmer Rouge leaders and those responsible in the Khmer Rouge regime, constitutes an obstacle preventing the ECCC investigation judges from performing their work according to justice standards, and also, this action does not provide equity to all leaders of the Khmer Rouge regime.

Article 31 of the Cambodian Constitution stipulates: “… Every Khmer citizen shall be equal before the law, enjoying the same rights, freedom and fulfilling the same obligations regardless of race, colour, sex, language, religious belief, political tendency, birth origin, social status, wealth or other status.” Therefore, in their names as Cambodian citizens who are equal before the law, regardless of their social status, or other status, numerous documents and studies written by independent researchers have shown that Samdech Preah Norodom Sihanouk, the former President of the GRUNK, and later the President of the Democratic Kampuchea (Khmer Rouge), was an important individual among the public and secret individuals who were involved in the formation of the Khmer rouge movement, and the Khmer Rouge regime known all over the world as a genocide regime that unfairly killed more than 2 million Cambodian people.

In order to allow the freedom for the national and international co-judges to have sufficient rights, and they can use their own impartial judgments to issue warrants for suspects, witnesses, and victims to come and provide clarifications in front of the tribunal, and in order to guarantee the equity of the respective roles of the former Khmer rouge elders and those responsible, and especially, to apply the international law standards in the search for justice for the Cambodian people who were victims of the cruelty and inhuman actions (perpetrated against them), CACJE requests that the Cambodian National Assembly presided by you, Samdech President, consider the request above, and bring it up to the agenda of a plenary session of the National Assembly to discuss and approve.

I hope and trust that the importance of the provision of justice, allowing the victims to know the identity of the leaders involved in the killing of million of Cambodian people, will make the international community recognize the independence of the Cambodian National Assembly in its cooperation with the joint tribunal between the UN and Cambodia to successfully sentence the former Khmer Rouge leaders and those who bear high responsibility of this regime.

Please accept, Samdech, my respect.

(Signed) Serey Ratha Suon
CACJE Mission President

CC:
The King’s cabinet
Members of the Constitutional Council
Office of the Senate President
Office of the Prime Minister
Members of the National Assembly
National and International Media
Office of the spokesperson and representative of CACJE in Cambodia.

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