Editorial | Articles about Cambodia | Khmer
Khmers Rouge = Vietnamese
Re-Distributed 6/5/2006
Submitted by rok....@yahoo.com
Pol Pot is an abbreviation of the English word "Political Potential"; such is the political nickname of ex-Saloth Sar that Hanoi and China allotted to him. He was a personal selected by Hanoi and China to replace Soeung Ngok Minh and Tout Sa Mut, which had just disappeared under a mysterious condition. From the origin point of view, Pol Pot was nothing Vietnamese, but for the point of view of policy and profile, Pol Pot served incontestably, the interest of Vietnamese.
Born in Prek Sbauv (Kompong Thom) in May 19, 1928, he descended from a comfort farming family. He was the eighth child of a sino-khmer family (half-caste Chinese).
His family entered in the chronicle royal history since 1925, when his aunt (? Cousin) Khun Meak, a royal ballet dancer became a concubine of king Monivong. From this alliance will be born the princess Khun Yeap who will become the last concubine of king Suramarith and mother of prince Sirivutdh. Later, the elder brother (? Uncle) of Saloth Sar, named Saloth Suong became a important employee in the royal palate - He married in 1940 with a dancer of the palate, named Chea Samy. Later, Saroeun, a sister of Sar, a dancer, became a concubine of king Monivong too.
Between 1934-35, the parents of Sar sent him to live at Phnom Penh with his brother and his sister-in-law, Saloth Suong and Chea Samy.
As a teenager, Saloth Sar often worked in the farm and had fact followed teaching Buddhism to become monk. During World War II, Pol Pot joined the anti-French resistance movement of Ho Chi Minh. By 1946, he was a member of the underground Indochinese Communist Party, and in 1949, he won a scholarship to study radio electronics in Paris (Jrgen Wouters ABCNEWS.com) One he reached Paris, Pol Pot joined to the French party communism which one Ho Chi Minh was a founder member. When his return to Cambodia in 1953 without a qualification in hand, he has joined in the Revolutionary Party of Kampuchea and taught the history and geography in a private school "Kampuchaboth " and wrote many articles for the left newspaper. In her book "Who is Angkar" Mrs Kim Thy Ouy named POl Pot as an adept and tool of Ho Chi Minh, the same rank as Tout Sa muth or Achar Sok.
In his article for " For Cambodia freedom" Dr Baphoun reported that; during fifties Pol Pot worked in the rank of Khmero-Vietminh under the directive of a Khmero-Vietmihn leader named "Thab Ngeng" who named Ppl Pot to control over 3000 men in 1957.
In 1954, when the Frenchs left Indo-China, they have appointed Sihanouk on the throne, but Saloth Sar is opposite. He founded 1960 the congresses of the Kampuchea Communist Party. In 1963, he was elected central secretary of committee of the Communist Party Kampuchea. Feared from reprisals of king Sihanouk, the members of the Kampuchea Communist Party refuges in the forests where they met the guerrilla of Khmer Rouge party. In decade 60, the USA reinforced its military campaigns to destroy the Vietnamese Communist Party of H Chi Hinh, but as of decade 70 the war was devastated until the territorial Cambodia where the USA suspected of being hidden the Vietnamese communist forces and which was the case. at January 1968 Mr Chester Bowles Ambassador of USA in India come to meet Sihanouk to have his accord to clean Vietcong sanctuaries on Khmer territory. This accord followed up by two years of massive bombarding to clean up the Vietcong from Cambodia.
Resounding to this policy; even after having support the Vietcong to installed their numerous sanctuaries over Cambodian land ; at Mai 29 1969, Sihanouk regrouped all the media for a press conferring to denounce Vietcong present on Khmer territory. But later Sihanouk changed one more time his position and accepted definitively to help Vietcong and the movement Khmero-yuon followed by a fierce anti-American policy (Article published by Amekhmer Feb 14 2005)
April 17, 1975 , Phnom Penh was fallen in the hand of Khmer Rouge. The reception was however cordial to the odd liberators. Many Cambodians left in the street to acclaim the winners. The white flags floated everywhere. But these strange liberators became suddenly firm, cruel and incomprehensible. The threatening noises of the microphones required the evacuation immediate of the inhabitants of Phnom-Penh from their houses - Those who opposed to this order were immediately killed at once on the spot, it is then, how the hell of the killing field began. In three 3 years 8 months and 20 days, at last 30-45% of the Khmer population were perished, either of massacre, or of programmed famine, of disease, or of tortures
January 7, 1979 when Vietnam invaded Cambodia , there remained about 4 million inhabitants on 7 millions (before the event of April 17 1975 ) The majority of the streets and the villages were almost deserted and one was happy to meet a compatriot survival.
Early of 1979, the first official estimation risen a frightening result - They estimated that more than three million of Cambodian were perished between 1975-1979, but at once this total was unceasingly contradicted. The reason was obvious; the demographic rate raised a suspect incredible risen of the population of Cambodia . In order to justify this doubtful increase, the government of Hun SEN must reduce the number of Khmer deaths to cool down of national opinion around the mass floods of Viet migrants.
To understand the ampler of this disaster mass migration, it is necessary to go in the districts along the length of the river Tonl Basak such as Chba Am-Poe, Kbal Thnal etc in all the other Khmer popular capitals to see the mass of Vietnamese immigrants freely settled in Cambodia with the active cooperation of the government puppet CPP since the official occupation of Vietnamese in 1979.
But what is even more scandalous, is that many of them were not the simple population but they were active martyrs or sleeping agent of Hanoi . They are discrete, and very organised. They are there to control every activity of Khmer people in society. Any suspicious activity or displaced verbal, one will be immediately convoked, questioned and often remove specially the men. And since the existence of the election in Cambodian, many are the Vietnamese who are imported by the cool vietnamisation system to support the government in place. Some of them have infiltrated in the heart of the Khmer political system since long time ago or they were sent, designed by Hanoi to occupy the high function in Khmer society and to control its puppets.
In his article reveals Victims of communism today Mike Benge revealed a terrible method of Viet expansionist tactic : Amoeba-like, communist Vietnam is slowly neo-colonizing Laos and Cambodia by the traditional Vietnamese expansionism termed Don Dien, first by occupying territory with troops, then having their families come in to settle the new territory, then putting the troops into civilian clothes to become "ready reservists" and replacing them with new troops for further expansion
All was prepared, all was set up to trapped the Cambodian people, the least details were meticulously studied, organized and programmed including the scene of the hostility of Pol Pot against Hanoi.
In April 1975 and April 1977, Pol Pot hided and saved not less than 20000 of Vietnamese from the massacre to Vietnam . Pol.-Pot had gathered them and taken them safety to Vietnam . The scene was however perfect - Pol Pot leaded a hostile policy with his old Master and has even killed some of them, a well astonishing way to thanks an old Master whom he always submitted, admired and maintained of the underground relations more than suspect.
We wonders, if Pol Pot was really hostile with Vietnamese as many pro-viet people what to make it appear why he did not massacre all those Viets instead he saved them from the massacre and brought them out of danger while the Angkar leu killed millions of Khmer people.
More shocking, while Vietnam took officially took over Cambodia , those Viets were at one imported back to Cambodia , some occupied the high function in the government and others continue to be activists and Viet sleeping agents.... In a press conference whole a Cambodian asked why there are too many of the Vietnamese came freely to Cambodia , Hun SEN answers they are the Vietnamese evacuated in year 1975 and 1979 and they are back to Cambodia
And what is even more conspicuous is that, during his reign, Pol Pot ordered to gather, collect all the richness of Cambodia and stored by categories in the many surest stocks in Phnom Penh - And when the Vietnamese arrived at 1979 in Phnom-Penh, they knew exactly where all these ammunition were hided and they have nothing to do else than to transport it to Vietnam, by boats, plane, trucks (especially on national I) A mass operation of emptying of Cambodia richness that took appearance of a mass national burglary which goes from simple material of recovery, pieces of metal, diverse machines, exchanging pieces, perfume, until the Khmer cultural inheritance, such as the old low-relief or statutes or the gold from the national Cambodian bank (red bank Bank Krohorm)Etc. But those are not the only that Vietnamese plundered Cambodia in 1979, millions tones of humanitarian aids from International community intended for Cambodians who were dying of hunger, of all kind of sickness and poverty were all plundered by Hanoi - all those ammunition were indeed stationed at Kompong Som port for registration then they are all left for Vietnam.. Cambodian did received nothing and needed to survive with the collated average. The rice was yet so expensive and necessary.
According to Franois Ponchaud, author of "Year zero ", the pillage of Cambodia started as soon as when Khmer rouge arrived in Phnom-Pehn, but this author portrayed this operation as cleaning of the occidental symbol by the Khmer rouge. Then if Khmer Rouge wanted to empty the so-called occidental symbol do they need to automatically empty it in Vietnam ?!!!!!!!
Whatever let quote " You Kim Lanh, referred to above, testifies some: " I remained one month in Phnom Penh to work for the Khmer Rouges. I was to excavate all the houses and to collect remained the rice there, to store the drugs coming from various pharmacies. We charged all that in boats whose crew was Vietnamese. Time with other, a fire burst downtown, but we did not do anything to extinguish it. Sometimes, the Khmer Rouges made us demolish the houses out of wooden, then to put the beams and the boards in heap."
Yeri Savannary, professor, taken refuge in Thailand about 15.10.1975, confirm the preceding account indirectly: " From the end April, of the trucks made ceaseless rotations on the road "National 1" driving to Saigon; they transported the television-radio, motor bikes, cycles of all marks, bicycles, drugs packed up and weapons of all categories. Close to Neak Luong, approximately two hundred vehicles waited to cross the Mekong ; there was in particular of Mercds and the 404. There were also three or four guns of 105 mm and three trucks of drugs. The whole apparently left for Vietnam . "
Lao Bun Thai, mechanic, vingt-trois years, taken refuge in October 1975, have worked until May 15 in Phnom Penh , confirmed : I saw, of my own eyes, several trucks, filled to the brim with books, to pass in front of the embassy of France and to gain north indeed. I also saw burning on the lawn volumes of the library of the cathedral. The library of the French School of the Far East , located at a few hundred meters of the embassy underwent a fate similar on May 5 in morning. It did not contain much any more of treasures, because essence had been put in safety in France ( It is important to emphasize that the destruction of human or material resource which are the symbols of Khmer is a part of Vietnamese expansionist tactic because cultural historical and human resource removed mean extinction of a human race and all its culture to be replace by a new one )
Several refugees crossed Phnom Penh last months (1975) they estimate that the city hardly counts more than 20 000 inhabitants, including only Khmer Rouges and their families. The workmen lived in the peripheral districts, close to their factories, but cannot enter in the downtown. The unmarried Khmer Rouges are grouped: the boys lived on a side of the street, the girls of the other. Various ministries of the government revolutionary personnel are reduced to the bare minimum; the majority, do not even have offices.
The few diplomats of accredited socialist countries with Phnom Penh find the life hard: they cannot leave their embassy. Three times per day, a jeep bring the meal to them; they have any distraction, no personnel with their service, have to wash themselves their linen, etc " Every two weeks, Friday, a plane of the Chinese CCAC makes its possible to the foreign diplomat to take a bowl of air and freedom in Peking... Since September 1976, they can also use the new air line connecting Phnom Penh to Hanoi . Only one newspaper in Khmer language of four pages, Padvath (Revolution), appears every fifteen and diffused only the news conceiving the construction of the country. And those who live in the East, the border Vietnamese, often saw the numerous planes making its back and forth from Cambodia to Vietnam and inversely.
At December 9, 1978 to December 23, 1978 , the few journalists, Mrs Elizabeth BECKER, author of book "Tear of Kampuchea" and her two other colleges, Richard DZIMAN and Malcolm CALD WELL , were invited to Phnom-Penh. They were accompanied to visit Toul-Sleng, but as Mrs Elizabeth BECKER saw the register of the prisoners, she was very surprised to see the names of the leaders of the Communist Party Kampuchea who were also imprisoned, tortured, forced to confess then massacred. In May 1977, 400 Khmers Rouge were captures and sent to Toul Sleng, they were been forced to confess as the Vietnamese agents secretes - The visit of Mrs Elizabeth and her colleges ended by the assassination of the Malcolm CALD WELL at December 22, 1978 in his hotel in Phnom-Penh. This mysterious assassination of May be Malcolm CALD WELL followed after his meeting with Pol Pot. He probably saw what one should not want him to see, and which quicken besides the departure of Elizabeth BECKER and Richard DZIMAN.
Pol Pot was not a pupil shining but he was a pleasant and correct companion, nothing to see with the dictator of a horrible genocide regime which he directed. All his life turned around a horrible myth and mystery. He was a most mysterious man on earth. Everything happened in his life is about mystery. His behaviours whatever policies or relational remain thus unintelligible and contradictory. For many, Pol Pot is of a radical nationalist and xenophobe, especially with Vietnamese. But in reality and incontestably, Pol Pot served the Vietnamese expansionist policy in Cambodia and this until his last breath.
Why decided to join Khmero-Vietminh movement to save Vietnamese expansionist policy? Was he been manipulated by Hanoi ? Which are the promises that he obtained and concluded with Hanoi for his role?
According to David P. Chandler, Hanoi seemed to grant the cordial confidence to Pol Pot. This secrecy remains total until now, however these mysteries could be to clear up if Pol Pot would have been judged and questioned by the International Court . We supposed that Pol Pot has probably concluded many accords with the Vietnamese leaders. Many Khmer rouge leaders of pronounced that Vietnamese never respected its engagement and promise but what kind of promise then? In an interview accorded to ABC Pol Pot even revealed "Hitler killed the Jewish and those who opposed to him but the Vietnamese killed those who opposed to them and the innocents who refused to join them (Pol Pot)
But all is doubtful, including the behaviour of international community. But who they tried to protect if not the victims of the genocide? Which is the application of UNO in this crime?
Logically if Pol Pot is a Khmer, a Khmer nationalist, he has no interest to serve Hanoi, neither on the religious level, nor on the ethnic level and even less on the relational level, because Vietnam and Cambodia was always the hereditary foes " number one since centuries. But Pol Pot did, contrary of what he claimed.
Looked at them, these few peoples can destroy the lives of a whole country
Pol Pot (Saloth Sar), sino-khmer, ex-associate of Yuon Hanoi, 3 million dead among the civil innocent. Manipulated or misled, he will always the responsible of the genocide on the Khmer people.
Hun Sen, current associate of Yuon Hanoi. A simple replaced piece of Hanoi after Hanoi had withdrew away the old tool Pol Pot . In 23 years of the power, Hun sen/CPP transfoms Cambodia into a kingdom of misery and chaos. Whether there is no more mass killing as in Pol Pot time but the indirect kills are numerous and disaster.
Ta Mok, a simple killing tool............. His kind is numerous in Cambodia
_________________
We may believe in freedom a deceiving deception it is free only when a nation called for an election of it parliament once in power -people are enslaved it is nothing.
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The New Straits Times, Kuala Lumpur
After the killing fields, a time for retribution
19 May 2006
VERGHESE MATHEWS
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After 27 years, Cambodians will get a taste of justice when the Khmer Rouge Tribunal tries suspects charged with committing crimes against humanity, reports VERGHESE MATHEWS.
MORE people in Cambodia have heard about Dame Silvia Cartwright in the last fortnight than at any time before, arguably, more than even when she was appointed the Governor-General of New Zealand in 2001, a position she will hold until August.
Unexpectedly, quietly and slowly, Cartwright is coming into the lives of the Cambodian people, the kingdom's robust media and its fractious politics, with her appointment as one of the international judges for the forthcoming Khmer Rouge Tribunal.
Snippets in the media and the chat lines speak highly of her distinguished career as a lawyer and jurist, in fact the first woman to be appointed to that high post in New Zealand. Mention is also made of her prominent role in the fight to eliminate discrimination against women a celebrated cause in Cambodia.
There are 12 other judges and prosecutors from Asia, Europe and North America, all nominated by the United Nations, about whom also little is known in Cambodia.
There is, therefore, increasing curiosity and a resultant awareness about the international judges for the first ever trial of this nature in Asia. However, in sharp contrast, rather harsh words have been reserved for at least one of the 17 Cambodian judges and prosecutors chosen by the country's highest judicial body, the Supreme Council of the Magistracy, headed by King Norodom Sihamoni. This reaction is neither unexpected nor surprising.
Still, it is a remarkable achievement that the proposed tribunal has finally reached this far since its genesis in 1997 when the then co-prime ministers, Prince Norodom Ranariddh and Samdech Hun Sen, wrote to the UN Secretary- General for assistance in establishing a trial to bring to justice the perpetrators of crimes committed during the ultra- Maoist Pol Pot regime.
What is probably long forgotten is that the prime reason for seeking UN assistance was not merely because the crimes had an international dimension or relevance but more because of the explicit admission that the Cambodian judiciary had neither the expertise nor the resources to conduct such a complex trial.
Under the Khmer Rouge, most of the judiciary either died or were killed, along with an estimated 1.7 million other Cambodians. The more fortunate escaped the clutches of the regime and resettled in third countries. The net result was that when the Khmer Rouge was finally ousted from Phnom Penh in 1979 by invading Vietnamese forces, the newly installed Cambodian Government had to build the judiciary from scratch. That was necessarily a painfully slow process for a cash- strapped and inadequately- trained Government that was simultaneously working at building an education service, a health service, an administrative service all also from scratch.
Trusted community elders and senior party officials were chosen by the new Government's politburo to carry out primary judicial functions though, undoubtedly in the earlier years, the main objective of the emerging judiciary was to ensure the social stability of the fledgling regime.
This then was how the present Cambodian judiciary began some 27 years ago. In the interim, students were sent overseas for training, particularly to Vietnam, and gradually an adequately trained coterie has taken its place in the judiciary though there are still some from the earlier intakes awaiting retirement.
Detractors point out that the judiciary is not among the more respected institutions in the country. This unfortunately is so. However, there are those who counter that it is still grossly unfair to paint the whole institution with one broad brush because of a few. Where the tribunal is concerned, given its structure and transparency, the Cambodian judges will invariably come under greater scrutiny and will be benchmarked against the best among international judges. The hope is that the total experience will contribute to and accelerate the maturity of the Cambodian judiciary.
The tribunal comes with a long name Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia for the Prosecution of Crimes Committed during the Period of Democratic Kampuchea. It is popularly known by the shorter name, Extraordinary Chambers or EC.
The EC will have the power to try suspects charged with committing crimes under both Cambodian and international laws, i.e. genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes in addition to murder, torture and religious persecution.
The EC will have two chambers, the first being the trial court made up of three Cambodian and two international judges. For a decision to be reached, the principle of a "super majority" will apply, i.e. four of the five judges must support the decision. This means that every decision must have both Cambodian and international support.
The other chamber, the Supreme Court, an appeals chamber, will comprise four Cambodian and three international judges and will require five judges to uphold an appeal decision.
If a super majority decision cannot be arrived at, at either of the courts, the accused is released as his guilt would not have been established. If the accused is found guilty, the maximum sentence will be life imprisonment. The accused will escape the gallows as Cambodia has abolished the death penalty. Likewise, in a country where pardons and amnesties are not uncommon, the Government has indicated that neither will be granted to persons found guilty.
The courts will only try crimes committed between April 17, 1975 and Jan 6, 1979, all of three years, eight months and 20 days. Only those "most responsible for serious crimes" will be tried a number envisaged to be fewer than 10. The actual trial is expected to begin early next year though prosecuting judges are expected to start work from the middle of this year.
The Cambodian people have now waited for almost a generation for the trials. While there will be different expectations, there must surely be some unspoken pride that the trial is conducted in Cambodia where the crimes took place, under Cambodian and international laws and with Cambodian and international judges such as Dame Silvia Cartwright.
The writer was the former Singapore Ambassador to Cambodia. He is presently Non-Resident Ambassador to Bangladesh and a Visiting Research Fellow at the Singapore Institute of Southeast Asian Studies. He may be contacted at math...@iseas.edu.sg
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By Kok Sap
Present Khmer border problems brought back my refugee day memory. During those days, I had learnt that Thai unlike the counterpart Khmer royal family as they had always been in spirit to aid national rural development program especially to those who were willing to make homestead along border with either side of present Thai territory. Seldom Thai royalty does not individually hand out packs of bottle of Yuan nuoc mam or a bag of donated rice or Yuan imported instant noodles to subjects for TV cameras appetizing. Obviously, the royalty is moral and religious devoted as not disingenuous and pretentious as other words.
Other hand Thai government and societal culture was not so immune of corruption or exploitation either. However, remarkably they were so unreadily to sell their national interest for a few ounces of gold from rich refugees. They were much obliged to national policy while making tons from UNHCR already. Nevertheless, one can notice on adjacent border to Cambodia, Thai have been supportive and keen of using ethnic Khmers as opposed to kin refugees for its strategic security. Apparently, most ethnic Khmers were either brainwashed or reluctant to admit their origin and refused to help refugees. That was smart of Thai policy manipulation to prevent unwanted infiltration and grafting.
The same scenario as Cambodia became permanent home for millions of Yuan refugee. Unlike Thai, Cambodian government had not only allowed illegal foreigners to settle anywhere without control but recently signed the illegal treaties in October 2005 to give in to Yuan further advantages. Khmer royalty set stage and choreographic gestures in handing out days of groceries or clothing to poor citizens instead of secured subsidizing livelihood and poor homes along borders. That is the same for government functionaries who are voluntary hostages of illegal settlers. In lieu of enforcing national security priority, impoverish functionaries are yearned to scandalous and whimsy national laissez- faire security and yet the central government is no less excusable as well.
Nonetheless, Khmer royalty had never even stepped close to the dispute area to see for self-awareness but hide out behind concrete walls in capital city. This may seem a marginal gesture to them but it is the worldly meaning to subjects. This is where the difference why Thai royalty continues to garnish support even from people whom it has suppressed rules on for hundreds of year. This is the real down side that rural Khmer people are lack of resource, economic fluidity and worst no confidence in their royalty. The royalty is preoccupied with self-image and propelled pawning to powerful manipulators. Clearly the very national symbol is at the whims of governmental officials who are readily and complacent in greed and self-agendas.
Thereby, with a few dollar bribery, the settlers are left to roam and sack Cambodia natural and almost untouched resources for own prosperity in uncontrollable illegal activities such as logging, fishing, smuggling, prostitution, gambling, and grafting. The mid level official peddlers are in careless attitude why bother if the king is so content with people rages and outcries already. Most tycoons or wealthy class in Cambodia are not necessary Khmer descendents by birth or domicile. However, they wield unsurpassed power over poor Khmers even at the scoff of own government. This is where the scale tipping as the national security is very vulnerable under the affluent nouveau and exploitative riches. We all can see this is the root cause, not necessary done by the outsiders but the malevolence of selfish insiders from sala khum up to the royal palace.
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September 20, 2002
Dear Sir:
I am writing this letter in response to your Washington Times article of Dr. David Roberts (Lecturer from the School of History and International Affairs, University of Ulster, Northern Ireland) dated 09/13/02, who accused the Cambodian opposition leader Sam Rainsy as undemocratic and authoritarian. In addition, he implied that Mr. Sam Rainsy was a racist, when he used the word "Youn" to refer to the Vietnamese.
First, the Cambodian opposition leader Sam Rainsy is a true patriot and democrat. He is well deserving of the award that was given to him by Senator John McCain.
Dr. Roberts may be an expert in his field but he is no expert in Khmer language. In the Khmer dictionary, it says "Youn" means Vietnamese and is possibly related to the Sanskrit word "Yavana" that means savage. However, this possibility of a link between the words "Youn" and "Yavana" is just pure speculation and has no basis for it.
Anyhow, my own research indicates that the word "Youn" came from the word "Yueh". The Mandarin Chinese calls Vietnam, Yueh Nam. The word "Nam" means south in Chinese. "Yueh" indicates the name of the people of that region. Therefore, "Yueh" means Viet or Vietnamese in Chinese and "Yueh Nam" means the "Yueh" people of the south. In this case, south means south of China. The North pronounces it Yeknam (with a "Y" sound).
Chou Ta-Kuan (Zhou Daguan), the celebrated Chinese Ambassador to Cambodia in the 13th century, indicated in his report that there was already a large population of Chinese settling in Cambodia at that time. He said that the Chinese preferred life in the Khmer Empire because it was easier than in China. There were a lot of Chinese men marrying the native Cambodian women. I don't know when Khmer started to call the Vietnamese "Youn", but the habit may have been picked up from the Chinese settlers who lived in Cambodia at the time. The word "Youn" may have derived from the Chinese word "Yueh" to indicate the Vietnamese. If one starts to think about it, "Viet" (as pronounced by the North Vietnamese) or "Yeak" (as pronounced by the South Vietnamese) sounds very similar to "Yueh"; and "Yueh", meaning Vietnamese, in turn sounds very similar to "Youn". George Coedes, the French expert on the Southeast Asian classical study, found an earlier evidence of the word "Yuon" inscribed in Khmer on a stele dating to the time of the Khmer King Suryavarman I (1002-1050.)
Why do the so-called Western scholars and journalists keep on perpetrating this kind of misinformation about the word "Yuon"? "Youn" does not mean savage as Dr. Roberts had mistakenly indicated in his writing. Savage in Cambodian means "Pourk Prey" or "Phnong". Cambodians calls Vietnamese "Youn" the same way they call Indian "Khleung", Burmese "Phoumea", Chinese "Chen", and French "Barang".
When the Vietnamese calls Cambodian "Mien" why did the Western press and scholars not report it to be a derogatory word also? If I were to follow the logical thinking of the Western press and scholars, then "Mien" must be a derogatory word also. In the late 17th century, the Vietnamese court of Hue had indiscriminately changed the names of the Cambodian princesses Ang Mei, Ang Pen, Ang Peou, and Ang Snguon to the Vietnamese sounding names of Ngoc-van, Ngoc-bien, Ngoc-tu, and Ngoc-nguyen, respectively. Also they changed the name of Phnom Penh to Nam Vang. Why do scholars and press stay silent on these subjects.
It is very dangerous for foreigners, like Dr. Roberts, to interpret the meaning of certain native words when they do not fully understand the languages and customs of those natives. It is people like Dr. Roberts who helps perpetrate the misinterpretation and misunderstanding of the word "Youn" to mean savage. aggravate the mistrust and hate between Cambodian and Vietnamese.
Cambodians have been using the word "Youn" to refer to the Vietnameses before the word Vietnamese had even existed. Because of the ignorance of some scholars and journalists about the meaning of this word, are we therefore supposed to abandon using this word that we have done from time immemorial?
If Dr. Roberts insists on saying that the word "Youn" means savage, then I would ask him to prove to Cambodians how it is so. How does he know that this word means savage? What did he base his knowledge from? If he is a true scholar, then he must not base his understanding on hearsay. Otherwise, his credibility is at risk.
Sincerely,
Kenneth T. So
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Will US Domino Effect Theory Works This Time?
By Kok Sap
The enlightened Buddha Dhamma impermanency is all things master. It is universally proven. Once, Hun Sen was very proud and over confidence of his new found allies with neighboring countries leadership. He thought his rule will be unchallenged and permanent. But now it seems unconvincing as he is self concerned and sneakily maneuvering law to prevent the recurrence for his own head after witnessing his ally heads had dropped abruptly.
Thailand had just fired its popular tycoon Premier Thaksin Sinawatra at the blessing of its King. Last June 2005, Washington D.C was very cozy with Premier Phan Van Khai and pledged friendliness for Viet Nam new attitude. But then just days ago the little dragon, Viet Nam, had also sacked its Premier at the blessing of its VCP's Central Standing Committee. Cambodia has also pledged to support One China policy while it illegally occupied Tibet, a sovereign state, and both Korea relation. Any one can guess these moves tickle US geopolitical network as well.
Earlier in March, US Duck Dumbfelt and Candi Nouilles were frantic, after both embarrassingly failed to scrutinize China super mega budget for its military build up. Then last weeks US Congressional delegation made Hanoi visit then later in Summer Bush turn. Inadmissively US aimed to influence Viet Nam of new attitude as China horizon expanded. US has eyed North Korea TKO point for quite awhile but stalemate rests on China lap. That undoubtedly Viet Nam, with fifth largest army on planet can detract China in supporting US arm twisting maneuver.
In due necessity, US war fleet needs Viet Nam and Gulf of Siam open access as India and Pakistan may rear guard China while Afghanistan is already a land block to Russia in case of hell break lose over evil North Korea. Thus, Hanoi proved invaluable ally for US reentry to SE Asia. With that in mind Viet Nam yanked up its genius victor Vo Vien Giap who is much older instead of sacrificial Phan Van Khai to level with US. This proved correctly Yuon never abandoned its aged old hypocrisy, Khmer wise said.
Beside North Korea, Iran is also a lucrative client to China, France, and Russia nuclear technology. These three are main player in UN Permanent Security Council and yet rival of Iraq invasion and occupation. Also interestingly to note, now Iran is singled out as next testing ground for US war machines after Iraq. Its ambassador paid personal visit to Heng Samrin, in lieu of Hun Sen, with warmth near future state visit invitation.
As usual China is keen in its interest, thus it dispatched Hu JinTao personally to secure logistic check mate move with $600 million cash in advance to Nam Vang's Hun Sen. Before this trip, he had personally deliverance Khmer New Year well wishes to secure Mao long time pawn, Mr. Sihanouk, assurance already. At the same stroke, Hun Sen, still has key to arsenal of handheld missiles from USSR, and been an eminent ally to Myanmar Junta build up support and advocacy in ASEAN circle. Remember Myanmar has been and is a rogue state since its independence from England with strong leaning toward axis of evil Russia and the remaining communist nations.
In 60's Sihanouk was infatuated with Myanmar stoic and autocratic regime. He emulated Rangoon crab recipe once before for his own ruling too. Past time people thought Cambodia was a rotten carrot but time and recent history had changed its appearance drastically. Now, Hun Sen, is following such as path. With this, Cambodia may befallen in unpredictable saga once again after Sihanouk lonely the only war path to death once before.
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Without Economic Freedom, There is No Freedom
By Kenneth T. So
April 12, 2006
Human rights are very important for the dignity of a human being. However, a person cannot subsist and prosper on human rights alone. It must be accompanied by an economic freedom. Without the government reform to ameliorate the living standard of Khmer people, the respect for human rights alone is unacceptable because it still puts Cambodia into the category of a Third World country that depends on foreign handouts for its existence. Without economic freedom, there is no freedom.
The dispute between Kem Sokha, the leader of the Cambodian Center for Human Rights (CCHR), and Sam Rainsy, the leader of the political party SRP, may be an exercise in futility because they do not address the issue of economic freedom. Both groups are positioning themselves as the champion for human rights and democracy.
Kem Sokha can play a vital role in Khmer society by educating people about their rights. As the leader and activist of the organization, it is his duty to speak out against human rights abuses. However, he may have stepped over a boundary when he started to verbally attack the SRP of “selling out” to the CPP and abandoning its democratic principles in a public forum.
It is disingenuous on the part of Kem Sokha to claim the moral virtue while refusing to denounce the CPP with the same intensity as he had done to SRP. By engaging in a verbal attack on SRP, is CCHR essentially doing an indirect bidding for the CPP? CCHR prefers to attack SRP because it is easy and safe to do so since it carries no consequence for a punishment. It cannot be said the same if CCHR were to attack the CPP. After P.M. Hun Sen let Kem Sokha out of prison, it was therefore normal for this latter to take his anger on a high profile person or political party like the SRP.
Equally important it was a very clumsy move on the part of the SRP to withdraw its participation from the CCHR forums. If it was a misunderstanding between these two organizations, they must work things out quietly to everybody’s satisfaction instead of doing it in public.
Initially I thought that Kem Sokha may have the upper hand for the public opinion's support, but upon much reflection I believe he may have won the battle against Sam Rainsy but not the war. If Kem Sokha's attack and accusation of SRP as "selling out" to the CPP and abandoning its principles do not pan out as he has claimed, then in the long run he may lose his credibility. Additionally, Kem Sokha has to be very careful himself because his own words may one day come back to bite him if he is not careful of what he says. I take Kem Sokha at his own word and believe that he will not start a political party. I also give him the benefit of the doubt that he will not compromise with the CPP concerning his stance on human rights. For SRP, the best advice I can give is to remain above the fray and be honorable by not quarrelling in public in such a clumsy fashion. For SRP to capture the minds and hearts of freedom loving people, they must talk the talk and walk the walk.
Like many Cambodians, I am very disheartened by the dispute between SRP and CCHR. It is important that these two organizations talk to each other again, then kiss and make up. Both, Sam Rainsy and Kem Sokha are equally important for the continuing process of Cambodia's march toward democracy. These two men need each other because "L'Union fait la force." It is fallacious to think that one organization will become stronger at the expense of the other. SRP and CCHR are like the two faces of a coin that complement each other.
The dispute between SRP and CCHR may be due to some misunderstandings. Both, Sam Rainsy and Kem Sokha are very courageous and principled men. I truly believe both of them want to help Cambodia to achieve the goal of a democratic country. Kem Sokha can contribute to human rights reform while Sam Rainsy can push the agenda for the government to reform its economy as well as its judicial system. Democracy without economic freedom is only a half-baked bread.
I applaud Sam Rainsy for taking the initiative to talk to P.M. Hun Sen, which in my opinion is a sign of incoming Khmer political maturity. One must remember that Hun Sen is still the Prime Minister of Cambodia and it is necessary for Sam Rainsy, as a protocol and as a good politician, to make the first move to extend an olive branch to P.M. Hun Sen. The fact that two former bitter enemies were able to sit down across each other and carry a discussion is to me a sign of trying to apply democracy to resolve any lingering issues with civility.
One can still be an opposition party without being very confrontational. There are many ways to oppose the policy of the government, but being confrontational to the point of becoming enemies is not the best solution to solve any problems. We are all Khmers and we must learn to respect each other. We must not use vocabularies that are detrimental to our Khmer heritage. We were a civilized society and I still believe that we are honorable people that still have traditional values. The key to the rebirth of our Khmer civilized society will come in steps, and the most important one right now is to respect each other and learn to accept the difference.
The fact that P.M. Hun Sen agreed to sit down with Sam Rainsy for a 3-hours conversation after this latter came back to Cambodia showed to me that the Prime Minister respected Sam Rainsy as a person, which was in complete contrast to the Prime Minister’s action toward Norodom Ranariddh.
The Prime Minister may have an ulterior motive toward Sam Rainsy because unlike Norodom Ranariddh who makes himself enemy of the US, Sam Rainsy on the other hand is a good friend of the US and especially to US Senator John McCain who may possibly be the next president of the United States of America.
For Kem Sokha to criticize or condemn Sam Rainsy’s gesture of reconciliation with P.M. Hun Sen is a sign of immaturity and intolerance on his part. Sam Rainsy’s meeting with P.M. Hun Sen is comparable to US Senator John McCain’s delivering a commencement address next month to the Liberty University that is headed by the Christian conservative founder Reverend Jerry Falwell. The Republican senator who is not a darling of the religious conservatives had once denounced Reverend Falwell an “agent of intolerance.” Senator Mc Cain now stated, and correctly so, that he could speak at the university without embracing all of its values. In the same manner, Sam Rainsy can speak to P.M. Hun Sen without abandoning all his principles.
"Courage is what it takes to stand up and speak. Courage is also what it takes to sit down and listen."
The principles that we must espouse are the defense of human rights and the elimination (or alleviation) of corruption in Khmer society.
SRP is a political and opposition party that plays an important role in Khmer politics. CCHR is a human rights organization that complements SRP by educating people about their rights. However, CCHR does not have the monopoly on human rights advocacy because political parties like SRP can also play that role too. The radio station Sambok Khmaum of Mam Sonando also plays a vital role in educating people about human rights. There are also many NGO organizations that contribute in the field of human rights.
It is therefore dangerous for Kem Sokha to think that he is the only human rights voice for Cambodia. A tree does not make a forest. Sam Rainsy, Kem Sokha, and Mam Sonando just to name a few, need each other to be a strong voice and eye for our Khmer society. As a sign of maturity, it is important that Sam Rainsy and Kem Sokha extend an olive branch to each other. Why is it always easier for Khmer to talk to foreigners than to talk to our own kind?
Human rights without reform to Cambodia's economic system are only a false promise. It is therefore necessary for CCHR and SRP to cooperate as a uniting force to demand reforms from the government.
The new spirits of cooperation give the current government of P.M. Hun Sen and the opposition leader Sam Rainsy a window of opportunity to solve and resolve Cambodia's problems in a more practical manner that hopefully will benefit Cambodian people.
What are the problems in Cambodia and how should we prioritize them? Currently Cambodia's survival depends on the generosity of foreign aids. This is not the way to run a country. Cambodia’s main goal is to be self-sufficient in the very near future. The other problem facing Cambodia is the culture of rampant corruption that permeates through all levels of the society. There is also the problem of crimes committed with impunities. Cambodia's education system is still in its infancy and lacking far behind that of our neighbors. Some people may say that the immigration policy needs to be revised and Cambodia's frontiers with the neighbors still remain an issue. Others consider democracy to be the most important issue.
All the above are legitimate issues. Because of the lack of resources, it is therefore necessary that the current government of P.M. Hun Sen and the opposition party of Sam Rainsy as well as the Funcinpec party work together to come to a consensus on how to prioritize the problems and then take a practical approach on how to solve or mitigate them.
I am not an expert in policy making but as a trained engineer in systems management I like to break the problems into a manageable solution without losing sight of the holistic approach to the problems.
Cambodia has come a long way since the collapse of the Khmer Rouge regime. As an observer from far away I am very often frustrated with the pace on how Cambodia has made its stride toward democracy. However, democracy cannot come or succeed before people have achieved a certain level of education or a basic understanding of democratic principles. It is therefore very important that the government allows people like Kem Sokha to continue to do his work on human rights and educate people on democracy unhindered. Freedom of the press and the media must be preserved and people like Mam Sonando, the general manager of the Beehive radio station, must not be persecuted without proper cause.
The most important problem facing Cambodia right now is the lack of economic growth. In order for the economy to prosper we must be able to attract foreign investments to our country. For investments to take place, the investors must have confidence in our country that can provide a stable government and an abundant skilled and efficient labor force. Therefore, we must have a stable government coupled with spirits of cooperation between different parties and continued improvements in getting rid of corruptions, in reforming our educational system, in ameliorating human rights, in improving our judicial system, and in reforming some laws. All of these will take time but as long as we keep on improving the systems and moving forward it will then be acceptable to everybody. We are all impatient because that is the nature of human beings, but if we provide good planning we can achieve our goal.
Right now Cambodia can only provide low skilled labors. If Cambodia were to succeed in economic growth we must produce more medium and high skilled labors, both in the manufacturing and service sectors.
Cambodia must reform its educational system by having competent teachers in order to produce first rate students. We must set up an exchange program to send good students to the other countries for higher education.
Systematic corruption in the public as well as in the private sectors hampered or scared away potential investors in Cambodia. Doing business in Cambodia with the current culture of corruption is too expensive and risky.
The keys to our success will be based mainly on the following criteria:
1.Clean up corruption
2.Raise the level of education
3.Hire qualified workers
4.Stop practicing nepotism and cronyism
5.Streamline bureaucracy for efficiency and accountability
6.Eliminate duplicate functions and waste in government
7.Teach and implement code of ethics, both in school and in workplace
8.Provide a stable government based on the rule of laws
Nowadays Cambodia is so entrenched in corruptions that it becomes a new culture permeating in all levels of our society. Taking bribes are new habits that are very hard to break. No one person can solve this disease. It requires a strong will and resolves to take care of this problem. We are now at a cross road on how we want Cambodia to move forward.
We cannot fix everything all at once. We have to be realistic in our goals and approaches to the problems. Some may suggest that the problem of our frontiers is the most important thing facing the crisis in Cambodia right now.
I don't know how serious is P.M. Hun Sen in wanting to clean up corruptions, but I hope he meant what he said. He is the only person that may be able to do it if he is really sincere in his conviction to clean up corruption. Our system for corruption is so entrenched right now that it is hard for anybody to do it alone. It requires everybody’s cooperation to get the job done.
Let's hope that P.M. Hun Sen is sincere about his latest overture with Sam Rainsy. There are some signs showing that P.M. Hun Sen may be changing if one analyzes his speech carefully. At least he seems to try to denounce corruption and incompetence in the government. These topics were off limits for discussions before but now P.M. Hun Sen has allowed it to be brought up to the forefront. Hopefully people in Cambodia are more encouraged to do something about it.
True intention for reform accompanied by a genuine action is the best gift that the government of P.M. Hun Sen can give to Cambodia for the New Year.
Human rights and democracy are important but without economic freedom, there is no freedom.
John Kennedy once said, "A rising tide lifts all boats." If Cambodia becomes prosperous, then all Cambodians will also profit from it.
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March 10, 2006
Number ONE BIG Brother, Keng Van Sak
By Kok Sap
Amidst false pluralism of flamboyant King Sihanouk and cronies such as Nhiek Tioulong,Sam Sary,Lon Nol's Renovation Party, and Khim Tit's National Union Party efforts, the dynamic Democrats Party defeated Sihanouk schematic pants down.Thus de Paris opportunistic Marxists be a Roman in Rome in order to gain credibility. Not a co-incident the future Democratic Kampuchea Saloth Sar and his mentors, Keng Van Sak and Thioun Mumm, affiliated themselves with Democrats Party. This most secretive mild manner of soft words aliased Pol Pot, later became horrific Brother One, the boss of Kampuchea Communist Party, openly in late 1977. His name is synonymous of Killing Fields.
From historians recounts Brother One was mentored by other Big Brothers in communist movement back in Paris. One of them was no one else but the philogician Keng Van Sak who was nicknamed as King Van Sak by the demagogue leader Sihanouk because of their indifference in political logics. In his youth, Keng Van Sak was one of the staunchest anti-American agitators beside Polytechnicien Thioun Mumm, the early ultra left leader of Communists in France in the mid 1940's.There were several accounts noted Thioun family and siblings intimate involvement in the revolution. But for time being, the topical focus here is Professeur Keng Van Sak.
Post Geneva Conference Sihanouk primary rival was Democrats Party. In spite of its weakness due to internal quarrels after three years away from power but it still viewed as the best organized political party. Many younger Democrats opposed the apparently pro-US policies Sihanouk had been following since Geneva and argued that Cambodia should be neutral in its alignments. They shared this line with the pro-communist party that had just taken shape in Cambodia, known as Krom Pracheachon or People's Group. Cambodia hard core communist party, founded in 1951, remained concealed from view.
Younger Democrats move their own party to the left in 1954, pushing such stalwarts as Sim Var and Son Sann aside and replacing them with anti monarchic neutralists like Keng Vannsak and Svay So and with even more radical figures, including Thiounn Mumm, then a member of the French Communist Party. Leftists Keng Van Sak and Thioun Mumm (Big Brother II), former students in France, who had decided to infiltrate a legal party that was, at least, already sympathetic to republican ideas and opposed to Cambodia's developing links with the United States, Milton Osborne Sihanouk Prince of Light Prince of Darkness, and p.88. Mumm cooperated with Saloth Sar, who had spent some months in the Vietnamese marquis in 1953-54, to coordinate the Democrats tactics with those of Pracheachon. p.188 D Chandler, A History of Cambodia, 2nd edition
Students in the capital, infected with what later French called the virus of independence, including such Cambodia future radicals Keng Vannsak, Rath Samoeun, and Ieng Sary as well as more conservative figures like Douc Rasy, Norodom Kantol, and Long Boret. D. Chandler, the Tragedy of Cambodian History Politics, War, and Revolution since 1945, p.36. Keng Vannsak a student of Cambodian philology was three years older than Saloth Sar. Having arrived in Paris in 1946, fresh from his baccalauréat, he was to play a key role among Cambodian students. Like Cambodia's only polytechnicien, Thiounn Mumm, who had preceded him to France by several months, Vannsak acted as an older brother (BIG Brother) for students from Cambodia, many of whom he had known in the 1940 at the Lycée Sisowath.
As a linguist and scholar of Cambodian literature, he gained an intellectual reputation similar to the one Thiounn Mumm enjoyed among scientists, mathematicians, and engineers. In his philological work, Vannsak tried to uncover pre-Buddhist, pre-Sanskrit layers of Cambodian vocabulary and cultures. The idea that Cambodia could and should be cut off from other cultures persisted in many Cambodian regimes and resurfaced not only in the Khmer Republic, but also among some Vannsak's disciples of Democratic Republic Kampuchea.
The pace of radicalization among Cambodians in France quickened when two students from Lycée Sisowath, Rath Samoeun and Ieng Sary, arrived in October 1950.Soon after their arrival, they began to participate in an informal Marxist studies circle that met at Vannsak's apartment in the 15th arrondissement(in Paris). The circle and others like it were associated with the groupes des langues set up in 1949 by the CPF among foreign students and workers. Vannsak group had no formal links with the CPF party according to author D. Chandler, the Tragedy of Cambodian History Politics, War, and Revolution since 1945, p.52.
In conclusion his doctrine and ideology Esprit de Khmer influenced many of emerging intellectual class of Cambodia post colonial rule. His anecdotal analysis turned a trendy movement that contributed destitution to Cambodia in later years. Many of them are in late 60 and early 70 in age now who either served DRK or later PRK regime. Also he was known as the perverse provocateur that had feuded with both Cambodia home grown linguistic researcher and scholar Abbot Chuon Nath and former King Sihanouk.
In traditional saying those can't learn teach. Infatuatedly he seemed to boast his Khmerlogy in French cuisine. What he says and does is two different things. Intuitively his home life seemed hypocritical to his love Khmer teaching. Today included those; never had formal relations with him; profess to eulogize his hidden extreme radicalism. After all Democratic Kampuchea leadership might not exist if it wasn't for King Van Sak groupe de langue sessions en Karl Marx early years in Paris. Khmer saying chress mauk pee daek therefore, history must grant the honorific Number One BIG Brother to teacher as well as Brother One title to his devoted apostle.
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Open Letter to the Honorable Norodom Sihanouk
Official Residence,
15 Dong Jiao Min Xiang
Beijing 100006, China
Dear Sir:
As you are well informed, for almost two full centuries ago Khmer people and nation had been dispirited and disunited at the foreign subjugations. Subsequently during your years at the helm, governments had failed to defend and protect national sovereignty and territory as well. It is undesirably painful and intolerable to learn miles and miles of west and east regions of present Khmer land had been illegally ceded and transferred to neighboring nation’s ownership as a tribute for the abatements of the previous ruling regime political in fights. Up to present, Cambodia governments had violated own integrity and dignity. They had cheated Cambodia citizen justice and righteousness. However, history seems to impress upon our cognizance you are the person responsible for all undue justice and fate of our fallen loved ones and generations.
Per your regular claims, Cambodia current government commanded no respect and dignity from others.Routinely you have consistently reminded people of shame which each of us bear as a beggar nation that allowed abuses and misuses other nations' generosity. Also you were made aware the serious violation of human rights and international mandates set by UN at your very signature in Paris 1991. Yet you have arbitrarily indulged merits to ensure such government legitimacy and wrongdoings. Therefore, our nation and people are held hostage and impeded at your very guaranty.
In the pursuance of the promulgated Kingdom II 1993 Constitution Chapter III-articles 31, 39, 41, and 49; as a citizen and ruler; hereby personally you owe opportunity to resolve all Khmer suffering, injustice and particularly very assurance of monarchy mutuality and continuation of your remaining time. Equally on behalf of heritage, as a son and a citizen of the nation, I am morally obligated to express my true concerns as follow for your consideration:
1 - Cambodia government shall be honorably to fulfill own budgetary contribution to implement Khmer Rouge Tribunal expenditures,
2 - Proclamation April 17, 1975 as a day of national mourning and commemoration day for victims of Cold war and Viet Nam transgression,
3 - Demand UN intervention and world court rule over Cambodia dispute boundary with neighbors.
4 - Rescind treaties that infringed determination of national territory and sovereignty.
5 - Restore human rights with guaranty from government in accordance with UN suffrage.
Sir, this may seem selfish and profane but there is no better way in frankness between fellow citizens. The shallowness and hypocrisy is mere unnatural and disrespectful. As you may know; in any unforeseen circumstances; your hard fought reconciliation and unification will be only a waste done by none of foe but your own especially those of FUNC and comparable monarchists. Worst the innocent generations will bear the unforgivable brunt and shame. That considers unkindly burden left by underachieving father of yours.
I trust you will use your utmost love and conscionable judgment to safeguard the innocents and the less fortunate people in Cambodia. May good health, peace, and love indulge you and yours in the up coming Khmer New Year celebration and thereafter.
Sincerely
Kok Sap
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March 31, 2006
The Honorable Chea Sim
Executive President of
Pact Pracheachon Kampuchea
Dear Sir,
For the longest, you have placed confidence and duty in Mr. Hun Sen as the sole decision maker upon million lives. For your information, thing may seem acceptable but the reality is Cambodia is no less than a leech that lives off someone else blood. Other nations laughed and insinuated Khmers are lazy and irresponsible. I find it unsettling and contemptible of such statement. It is my deep pain and concern to apprize you. According to press, Mr. Hun Sen breaches 1991 Paris Accord wishes at the regular basis when comes to his own failures. This has not gone unnoticed; therefore, I wish to raise this matter to your attention for immediate intervention.
Sir, this letter is an open communication between fellow citizens and leader such yourself. As you may know, Cambodia regained respect and recognition from the other nations through UN relentless effort and vast financial assurance. This is very important for our country survival and respect. I am certain that you wish no less for Cambodia; however; Mr. Hun Sen long overdue leadership is indicative of despicable regress among other nations evaluation.
Through his leadership, Cambodia is seen as a primitive and backward nation. Among many world leaders and respected presses, Mr. Hun Sen shouldn't have brought Cambodia the least respect to its most generous supporter such as UN. Habitually, he is evermore vocally undiplomatic and uncivil. This is important that you, as his immediate superior, call upon his immediate attention before the world sanctioned our needy nation privilege and survivability.
Sir, you can't agree less, Cambodia is mild manner nation with strong tradition of unassertiveness but fatal passive aggression. This introvert self destruction attitude got to halt at your command. You may have been informed already of Mr. Hun Sen unreasonable and to the extent of ungrateful gestures toward world diplomats. Many critics and donors are at caveat of Mr. Hun Sen personal and crony rapid wealth. Thus his morality and integrity is in question too.
Lately, Mr. Hun Sen behaves abrasively and crudely. This is essentially unbecoming as a nation leader dignity and integrity. This is critically insensitive and overbearing of a leader conduct. It is dangerous to people and nation. He has brought embarrassment and disrespect upon nation. Please reflect on this and do not allow one person incivility destroying culture of respect for millions.
No body knows the agony and pain that each poor citizen bears as misfortune in life is stagnant under his short sight leadership.Also many know your struggle and spirit is not just for one person or family happiness but shall be the entire population. Evidently twenty years is too long of time under Mr. Hun Sen stewardship, but poverty and injustice is increasing in folds every step out of the way. People lost land to powerful and riches. Human rights is sham turned magnetic force for unwanted attention from the world. Yet Mr. Hun Sen continues to do just that. Certainly it is a paramount responsibility in your behalf to risk Cambodia fragile peace and slight prosperity at one person negligence. But it does not make sense to allow it to go on unchecked.
Please let me close with our Khmer saying Som dei sar cheat marayiat sar pouch, which I find it rings true in all human. Our nation dignity and respect is reflected upon its leader conduct, but unfortunately not in Mr. Hun Sen case. The man possesses poor taste in civil culture and protocol, which down grade esteem of your personal and party discretion. This must not be condoned and tolerated accordingly.
Sir, therefore, your action and consideration is vital to our nation future; please consider an alternate and sensible person to be at the helm in 2008 if your CPP will be successful in election. Mr.Hun Sen is too unbecoming and irrational anymore. May I wish you good health and longevity as Khmer New Year celebration is approaching .
I thank you kindly for your time and consideration.
Sincerely,
Kok Sap
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THE FORGOTTEN HOLOCAUST
BY VIRAK PRAK
Can you taste it? Can you taste it in the air,
The unforgettable bitterness of which we call despair.
As millions were murdered in the land of the Khmer.
A genocide, which sits in history gathering dust.
Most can't recall the battle's deathly must.
As my people lay unremembered a drop in the ocean.
It seems that mass murder causes little commotion.
In a world desensitized by everyday death,
Can you smell it? Can you smell the dying's last breath?
Skulls scattered in ponds and sown in the soil,
And from the world was little recoil.
For years people suffered in the fields of the killing,
Just another body, just some more blood spilling.
Blood on the hands of he who dare grip mortality;
His name Pol Pot the man with the greatest audacity.
The brother who killed hundreds of his own kin,
He has no remorse morbid signs of a grin.
To claim he works for the good of a nation
Lives just a minor consequence in his “brilliant" reformation.
People just eggs who will inevitably be broken,
Each killing is just natural like words being spoken.
Groups, no crowds, lined up to be murdered,
Eight people with one shot so less bullets need be ordered.
Drowning them in puddles and beating them with batons,
His soldiers, children of death and pitiless drones.
Young boys killing women as old as their mother,
Blinded by loyalty not realizing it's each other.
Killing children and babies and mothers and fathers.
My sister. Your brother. Their sons. Our daughters.
Undiscriminating murder and ropes and beatings were common
And if they tried to plea for mercy it would be no problem.
Just sit them in a pond and tie a bag over their head.
And you can't talk now if you're dead.
Imagine a mother watching the death of her children,
Tied up with flesh burning rope and skinny with malnutrition.
Their toes being salted and cut open with a dirty knife.
Picture when the four letter word P-A-I-N becomes your life.
Can you see it? Can you comprehend being tortured as they laugh?
Now imagine walking through a paddy and hearing a jagged crack.
You lift your foot to find your brother's broken bones,
Didn't even know he had died and to find out in this tone.
You were just talking with him, ago, it was not long.
He was obviously killed while you were gone.
You shut his eyelids and untie a cord from around his neck,
You hold back the tears so the soldiers won't come check.
So they won't see and kill you too.
You ask him for forgiveness then rip out a gold tooth. ,
The gold will help you feed your very sick mom,
Giving her strength to run away with you
From the land that you call home.
She's too old as it is too work under these conditions,
suffering from arthritis a debilitating position.
You work and think about the Nixon Breakfast Operation, which dropped
tons of napalm shells,
In fact they're probably the reason for the war itself.
Can you hear it? The screams of children and infants as you run through
the jungle.
Sneaking out at night and this time the trouble's double.
You're reassured for a second not hearing a thing,
But then it fires out an explosive ring.
A mine, a souvenir from the Vietnam war,
Killing two infants and a boy, mutilated remains splashed on the floor.
A mother runs to the children and lifts her babies heads;
Frantically yelling and screaming trying to wake them from dead.
Her tears stream down as she cradles them next to her chin.
Later killing herself to join her babies again.
On the way, your mother dies of pneumonia and of cold,
Now you look back on the story that your life has told.
You lived a life of hell, burning, agonizing, and rotten,
To only wake up to see the genocidal horror has been forgotten.
How does that feel?
Courtesy of THE SCHOLASTIC ART & WRITING AWARDS
COALITION in WRITING ANTHOLOGY 2000
Author: Virak Prak, 13
Genre: M
School: Bay Point Middle School, St. Petersburg, Florida
Teacher: Renee O'Brien
Award: American Voices Award Medal
Category: Poetry
Ceremony: Kennedy Performance Art Center in Washington D.C
Date: March,2000
Note: This is for informational and educational purpose.
Author was born to Cambodia killing fields survivor family.
His poem was dedicated to his family and Cambodia Killing Fields /US
Bombardment victims and survivors memory.
The author voiced out his pains and agony over how lesser human of
Cambodia to US.In reality US Justice was far more reserved than he thought.
Not a coincident, US denied Cambodia humanity and justice.
In a child eyes, it saddened to see injustice in US Justice was shied
away under the veil of color preference and prejudice.
Sumitted by - kok...@yahoo.com Wed, 5 Apr 2006 06:59:38 -0700
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March 8, 2006
Miracle, 36 Years after Khmer Republic
By Kok Sap kok...@yahoo.com
From late 1968 on, US President Nixon got secret nod from Kingdom of Cambodia mercurial Prince Sihanouk to bomb Viet Cong sanctuaries along eastern border of his Kingdom. The bombardment classified Operation Menu Breakfast, Lunch, and Dinner featuring Napalms spiced up in Orange Agents from B-52 high altitude cooks and unauthorized incursions. Due to his poor suicidal diplomacy, Prince laid duty on his old buddy General Lon Nol to lead the National Salvation Government in 1969. Eventually in early 1970, Prince fled country under faked pretenses before popular demands removed him from duty on 18th March 1970. He was sentenced in absentia of treachery in abatement and harboring enemies. Then the Viet Cong undeclared war took toll on Cambodia.
The omnivorous Professor Kissinger, 1973 Nobel Peace Price recipient and Le Duc Tho ancien ami, enforced his schematic ultimatum on Khmer Republic then on its own but to surrender unconditionally to Prince Beijing based government. Coldheartedly US left its cold war accomplice, Khmer Republic to the bloody Prince Regime and rebels. The Prince was bloody mad and avenged people on the 17th April 1975. Over 1/3 of Cambodia total population then plus civilization took toll at his absolute directives. Cambodia turned isolated open killing fields. From that day on Cambodia had never been the same.
The event was the Miracle on Mekong River, B-52 bomb crates scarred Khmer Republic beneath scattering millions skeleton and starving slave feet. On the 7th January 1979, the same Viet Cong regiments returned and claimed over its invasion and occupation of former Khmer Republic in the world sent mission to topple murderous regime of the Prince. Vet Cong replaced the Prince clique with own remaining Viet Minh People Revolution disciples.
From 1979, over half million destitute and distraught survivor never turned back and sought out permanent refuge overseas at the UNHCR and humanitarian nation mercy. Others were caught in resistance and Khmer Rouge controls. Eventually the remaining were sent back to Cambodia under Viet Nam’s PRK communist government before 1993 UNTAC arrival.
Once again, the bloody murderers rule the victims whose justice is still in limbo up to now. The mercurial and heinous criminal Prince has been re-enthroned and unmolested as King second time around at the UN perpetuated choreographic. To date it has been 36 years passed but appallingly the humanity of Cambodia still is under injustice and hopelessness.
People never changed that’s Hanoi miracle in Nam Tien’s Nam Vang moi.
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Seeing through Hun Sen
Sources: http://www.thestandard.com.hk
The wily Cambodian prime minister has long held power by playing a cruel but effective psychological game with his opponents. Unsurprisingly, few are convinced that his latest gesture of reconciliation toward them is genuine, writes Vaudine England
Saturday, February 25, 2006
The wily Cambodian prime minister has long held power by playing a cruel but effective psychological game with his opponents. Unsurprisingly, few are convinced that his latest gesture of reconciliation toward them is genuine, writes Vaudine England
A lmost overnight, Cambodia changed from a country where most of its opposition voices were in jail or exile to one where Prime Minister Hun Sen was loudly announcing an outbreak of peace.
Earlier this month he spoke at length of the "71-hour" outburst of "national reconciliation" in which "Cambodian talked to Cambodian" and solved the country's problems. Just like that.
By February 10, the seal on the apparent outbreak of peace and kindness was set by the return to Cambodia of opposition party leader Sam Rainsy.
He had been in self-imposed exile for a year but, in carefully arranged phone calls and letters, he had apologized to Hun Sen and promised a new non- confrontational attitude, getting a royal pardon in return.
A few thousand ecstatic supporters greeted his return, as they had greeted the releases from jail of his colleague Cheah Channy, radio journalist Mam Sonando, union leader Rong Chhun, and human rights advocates Kem Sokha and Pa Nguon Tieng. United States assistant secretary of state Christopher Hill had visited Cambodia in mid- January and requested the releases, adding his voice to a chorus of complaint at the crackdown.
It was another "miracle on the Mekong," in the wry words of a Cambodian diplomat.
In Cambodian geo-politics, the phrase "miracle on the Mekong" deliberately recalls in satirical tone the judgment of US Congressman Stephen Solarz on the July 26, 1998 elections. Despite massive intimidation, human rights abuses and perversion of the democratic process, Solarz judged the elections then as free and fair because more than 90 percent of the electorate still dared to vote.
Later forced to temper his claim of a miracle, Solarz pointed out that most people had voted against premier Hun Sen, but a split of the opposition between Prince Norodom Ranariddh's Funcinpec Party and the Sam Rainsy Party deprived them of victory.
Critics of Hun Sen, his Cambodian People's Party (CPP) and of Solarz, argued that far from being a miracle, talk of a free vote was a travesty.
"What took place in Cambodia on July 26 [1998] may not have been, as I had originally hoped, a `miracle on the Mekong,' leading to a new birth of democracy and reconciliation in that troubled land. But it would be unfair to the millions of Cambodians who had the courage to vote to dismiss it as a totally illegitimate electoral charade," Solarz wrote in September 1998.
Observers are faced with much the same dilemma now.
It seems good news that the clutch of opposition figures and human rights activists are now out of jail. It is also reassuring when a country's leader says he "needs opposition voices" and wants Cambodians to unite to solve their problems.
But the miracle is most probably a mirage, agree diplomats, analysts and even participants in the latest Cambodian drama.
Look at the pattern provided by history, advises Pa Nguon Tieng, a director of the Cambodian Center for Human Rights and of the Voice of Democracy radio station.
The key to it all is that Hun Sen always comes out on top. He does by first repressing then appearing to offer a hand of friendship to whomever his opponents are at the time. It's a twisted act of conflict resolution: The conflict is created by the person who then offers the resolution.
"I think Hun Sen has had a lot of experience [playing persecutor-rescuer]. He understands what will benefit him in terms of conflict resolution," Pa Nguon Tieng says.
"Look at 1993 - he faced lots of problems when he was in power in a coalition with the Royalists, leading to the bloody coup of 1997. Since then, all power has been concentrated in his hands alone.
"But he had lots of international problems, even from within Asean [the Association of Southeast Asian Nations] and the people here were in strife, very poor and crying out for food.
"So he came up a plan to bring all sides of politics back to the country to participate in the 1998 elections. The international community accepted it and new aid flowed in to hold the election, helping legitimate his rule.
"Most recently the government took violent action against the human rights community, put us in jail and again drew negative reaction. So once more he had to reopen dialogue," recounts Pa Nguon Tieng.
He seems a gentle, hopeful man, and takes all this as a sign that Hun Sen is learning something. He is prepared to wait and see if Hun Sen's current outburst of reconciliation will last or prove to be just another trick.
"I hope he has learned and that the arrests shouldn't happen again," he says. But few others are are prepared to give Hun Sen the benefit of the doubt.
A Western diplomat says: "Hun Sen is manipulating everybody, so everybody is beholden to him. He is positioning himself and others to play them all off against each other."
Precisely how the current drama began and is played out reveals key themes in Cambodian political life, from sensitivity over its weakness relative to its powerful neighbors of Vietnam and Thailand, to the dominant role of Western support for democracy in the impoverished country.
Back in 1993, the United Nations administration in Cambodia - which was supposed to disarm all factions, from the murderous Khmer Rouge to the Vietnamese-backed Hun Sen regime - made do with pronouncing a free election. It then stood by while the election victor, Prince Ranariddh and his Funcinpec Party, went into coalition with Hun Sen who then proceeded to abrogate power. Murder, intimidation, secession threats and more marked the body politic.
"Cambodians had seen [former King] Sihanouk and [his son] Ranariddh bow to the election losers, share power with them, and adopt avidly their undemocratic and corrupt ways," wrote long-term observer Henry Kamm in his 1998 book Cambodia, Report from a Stricken Land.
With the elite proving such a disappointment, Kamm reckons the most lasting contribution of the UN presence in Cambodia was the handful of private human rights organizations it left behind. These groups are now performing the role that opposition parties should be playing - educating people about rights and advocating peaceful change - while the personalities and parties of Cambodia's mainstream politics remain mired in conflict.
By the mid 1990s, Funcinpec's respected finance minister Sam Rainsy had quit the ruling coalition after being stripped of his post for outspoken criticism of corruption at all levels of government. He now leads the Sam Rainsy Party, which remains in some disarray following his year-long absence. Competition meanwhile had begun between Ranariddh and Hun Sen in seducing aging leaders of the Khmer Rouge to their side. Splits, be they real or created, among the old guard of the Khmer Rouge led to the "arrest" of Pol Pot by his brutal colleague, the one-legged Ta Mok. The legendary Brother Number One, Pol Pot, was dead by April 1998.
This was national stability achieved at last, according to the Hun Sen lexicon.
Last year, Hun Sen again invoked the issue of national stability when he sought to clarify the country's border with Vietnam, once and for all. The deal signed in October between Hun Sen and the government which first put him in power sparked off the latest round of trouble however.
The apparently visceral hatred of Vietnam among some Cambodians is often used by politicians to whip up passions, and the border deal provoked public outrage, dramatic media coverage and rising tension. This gave Hun Sen the opportunity to arrest activists and journalists: Mam Sonando of Beehive Radio was accused of provoking conflict with neighboring countries, and rhetoric on a banner at rallies in December - that Hun Sen had "sold" land to Vietnam, that he was a "second Pol Pot" and had "blood on his hands" - was pretext for scooping up popular rights advocate Kem Sokha.
The border law has since been passed, and signed into effect by King Sihamoni (Sihanouk's successor in the palace).
"That's why Hun Sen could release Kem Sokha and the others," judges Pen Samitthy, editor of the biggest circulation newspaper in Cambodia, the Rasmei Kampuchea Daily.
Aware of Rainsy's urgent need to return to Cambodia to rescue his political career, Hun Sen was similarly able to reach out to him in exile in Paris.
"I need him to come back. I need opposition views because sometimes my officials lie to me. I do not want to go ahead alone. If I go alone it is like being on a horse without holding the reins," said Hun Sen on February 6.
Out of jail and now back in the offices of his Beehive Radio, Sonando remains unimpressed.
"Hun Sen is clever. When he is in deadlock, with nowhere to go, he solves problems like this to maintain power," he says. "He is like a talented circus performer."
The political procedure, Sonando explains, is similar to being robbed of something and then having to feel grateful after being allowed to buy it back.
"It's not only me. Everyone in Cambodia has to pay bribes and say thank you for things which should be ours free, as a right."
He is grateful, however, to be out of jail and thanks Hun Sen for "taking the route of Cambodian talking to Cambodian" in arranging the return of Rainsy. "Compromise is better than confrontation, so I think we can solve problems step by step," Sonando says.
Crucially, a key event on March 30, 1997, which all independent observers agree was initiated by Hun Sen, has now become a non-issue in the latest reconciliation. On that day, Rainsy and about 200 followers were holding a peaceful demonstration in front of the National Assembly to demand an independent judiciary. Four grenades were lobbed into the crowd, killing at least 15 people and wounding more than 100. The culprits escaped thanks to intervention by CPP troops.
Rainsy blamed Hun Sen for the attack, and Hun Sen blamed Rainsy for trying to discredit the ruling party. Through all the ups and downs, the increasing militarization of politics since March 1997, the 2003 elections and more, that accusation has been sacrosanct for the opposition.
Yet in Rainsy's apology prior to his pardon which allowed him to return safely to Cambodia this month, he specifically retracts his accusation that Hun Sen was responsible for the grenade attack.
This turnaround alone may fatally damage his standing as an opposition leader and all eyes are now on Rainsy and his party.
"I think Sam Rainsy has lost credibility already, not just because of the latest compromise but because of his changing behavior. But he may restore his credibility through his actions should he tell the truth about what the government does," judges Pa Nguon Tieng.
He says his colleague at the Cambodian Center for Human Rights, Kem Sokha, is a different man to Rainsy, and not a competitor for Rainsy's position as the only figure capable of standing up to Hun Sen.
"We are happy to work in civil society rather in a political party. We are just trying to spread information and the spiritual power of human rights and democracy," says Pa Nguon Tieng.
Kem Sokha, in person, is somewhat less modest.
He couldn't resist the classic politician's line - "if my people need me" - suggesting that if there was a strong call for him to wrest opposition reins from an enfeebled Rainsy's hands, then he would take on the mantle of history to do so.
At least Kem Sokha managed to avoid apologizing to Hun Sen. Indeed, he claims that his own and the other releases, and even the return of Rainsy, were all thanks to his intercessions with Hun Sen who, he says, called him several times a day in prison.
"I told him, if you want to rule the country longer you must support civil society. He will not change easily but I tried to change his mind," Kem Sokha says.
A politician before he turned to the human rights movement, Kem Sokha now claims he has two million supporters across the country and that Hun Sen has recognized his clout. Analysts agree that Kem Sokha remains a strong possible successor to Rainsy as opposition icon.
The upshot of it all is that Ranariddh's Funcinpec, the official ally of Hun Sen in government, now fears it may not be needed any more (or be allowed access to the perks and benefits of rule) if Hun Sen brings Rainsy on side. A hint of this tension was evident even before Rainsy landed at Pochentong Airport when Funcinpec Radio aired a commentary which described Rainsy as a habitual liar who had left his party members feeling hopeless.
"It's the same old fighters fighting the same old battles. . It's a matter of destabilizing the opposition, keeping them off balance, so that Hun Sen can reintroduce the facade of democracy when it suits him," a Phnom Penh- based diplomat said.
An important bone of contention remains however - the criminal defamation law that allows the courts to bring suits against opposition figures whenever it chooses (or is told to do so).
The law is an unfortunate legacy of the UN's tenure in Cambodia. It was first instituted to dampen abuse between political parties ahead of the 1993 election but has since become a tool of repression in Hun Sen's hands.
"We are trying to change the law because it is being used to silence critics; it is a very bad law that severely limits freedom of expression," Ou Virak, general secretary of the Alliance for Freedom of Expression in Cambodia told the Phnom Penh Post.
He hopes the law will be a major topic at the forthcoming Consultative Group meeting of donors this week.
Yash Ghai, a former Hong Kong University law professor who is now the UN Special Representative to Cambodia on Human Rights, agrees the law must go: "The combination of a rather loosely drafted law and the relative lack of independence and competence of the judiciary means that such laws can be used to harass political opponents and suppress freedom of expression."
Perhaps more revealing of the abiding concerns of ordinary Cambodians is the fact that circulation of the leading Rasmei Kampuchea Daily goes up when its front page stories are not about elite politics, but when coverage is focused on the recent arrests of 10 senior policemen accused of being paid assassins.
"People follow this story because they support this action [the arrest of police]. They know the police and the courts are corrupt. This is what increases circulation here, not stories about Kem Sokha and Sam Rainsy," newspaper editor Pen Samitthy says.
Cambodian reconciliation is not a miracle yet, but not entirely a mirage either.
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The Daily Star, Bangladesh - 4 Jan 06
The view from Phnom Penh
Verghese Mathews
This has not been a good year at all for the opposition Sam Rainsy Party though it has turned out to be much better than expected for the dominant Cambodian People's Party of Prime Minister Hun Sen and its coalition partner in government, the royalist Funcinpec, headed by Prince Norodom Ranariddh.
Meanwhile, newly crowned King Norodom Sihamoni manifested a regal decorum and a quiet charm that quickly endeared him especially to the common folk"the little people" as his father, ex-King Sihanouk, was wont fondly to refer to them.
Hun Sen, Ranariddh and Rainsy have, over the years, all played centre stage with varying degrees of success and failure. In the process they have raised debilitating politicking and disruptive one-upmanship into a fine art.
Notwithstanding this, there has been a gradual maturing of the political styles in the past year. Old-fashioned politicians who were rewarded for past services are being slowly replaced by more educated and competent young politicians and technocrats who are able to address complex challenges and relate equally well to the increasing numbers of potentially troublesome unemployed youths moving to the cities and towns.
This evolving change in the political party scene has gone largely unnoticed as all focus has been on the main players. Not surprisingly, despite the infusion of the new blood, the infighting, the factionalism and the one-upmanship of Cambodian politics continue.
Looking back at 2005, King Sihamoni has undoubtedly emerged as the best-loved figure, with Hun Sen clearly the strongest of the leaders while Ranariddh has surprised his detractors as a deft survivor and a practical politician.
Rainsy is indisputably the main loser. This was sealed on December 22 when a Cambodian court found him guilty on two counts of criminal defamation and sentenced him in absentia to 18 months in prison for remarks he made against Hun Sen and Ranariddh. Rainsy, who has been in self-exile in Paris following the removal of his parliamentary immunity from prosecution in February, refused to attend the trial.
Rainsy was alleged to have accused Hun Sen of being involved in a 1997 grenade attack on an opposition rally that resulted in 19 deaths. He was also alleged to have accused Ranariddh of having accepted substantial bribes from the CPP as an inducement for Funcinpec to join the government.
Rainsy has termed the judicial decision farcical and repeated his allegation that the Cambodian courts are not independent. The US State Department expressed concern at what it termed was the continuing deterioration of democratic principles such as free speech.
Likewise, Rainsy's friends overseas, including human rights organizations, have come out in his support, but back home where the votes count, his glamour is gone and his party is steadily losing credibility.
Some suggest that while Rainsy's extended stay outside the country had given unprecedented elbow room for other aspirants in his tightly-run party, no clear alternative leader has emerged. With the latest court ruling, Rainsy will continue to remain outside with limited options. Some supporters have suggested a party-in-exile leading to a government-in-exile!
Meanwhile, Rainsy has quickly called for a pardon from the King, an act which will return him to public life in Phnom Penh. Already his friends and supporters, especially the anti-Hun Sen Cambodian diaspora in the US and France, are picking up this call and flooding internet newsgroups with similar demands to the King.
A couple of months ago, there was a similar flood of appeals by almost the same groups for the King not to sign a supplementary border treaty between Cambodia and Vietnam. The young King was under tremendous pressure for weeks, even when it was clear to many that his hands were tied as a constitutional monarch. Sihamoni could have, as some suggested, chosen the easy way out and gone on a holiday, leaving it to the acting Head of State to sign the bill into law. In the event Sihamoni boldly chose to stay and signed the bill knowing that it would upset some people.
Once again, the pressure is building upthis time for Sihamoni to pardon Rainsy and others and, once again, observers believe that Sihamoni will do the right thing.
The pressure is much less these days on Hun Sen. At the recent annual CPP congress, he was named the undisputed prime-ministerial candidate in the 2008 election, a far cry from the situation before the last election when the confirmation was not so readily forthcoming until much nearer the polls. In addition, many observers are convinced that the enlarged CPP Central Committee, from 153 to 268 members, has many of Hun Sen's men.
Hun Sen is clearly in charge, and this is not at all surprising given that he has done well both as a clear-minded and resolute Prime Minister and as a party strategist. However, the toughness he sometimes exhibits has not endeared him to liberal groups and human rights activists at home and abroad.
Ranariddh is the luckiest. In the last decade his party's fortunes have gone from bad to worse and many had written it off after the last election. His joining the government has given him a lifeline and he knows it. The subsequent warming-up of personal relations between him and Hun Sen, though it has not percolated all the way down to the provincial structures, has been a great boost for Funcinpec and generally good for the country.
What started off as an uncertain year for Cambodia is ending better than expected. The IMF has just announced that it will provide 100 percent of debt relief, amounting to approximately $82 million, incurred by Cambodia to the IMF before January 1, 2005.
The IMF noted that Cambodia had qualified for the debt relief because "of its overall satisfactory recent macroeconomic performance, progress in poverty reduction, and improvements in public expenditure management."
The IMF further noted that since 1999, Cambodia had enjoyed robust economic expansion, with annual growth rates averaging over 7 percent with inflation under control and with improving public administration, in particular public expenditure management.
While that is a good way to end the year, the new year will bring varied and complex challenges, the major ones being the need to further strengthen its institutions and to ensure that good governance is firmly rooted in the country. This calls especially for a determined and comprehensive attempt at curbing corruption and dismantling the equally deeply entrenched patronage system.
It is now for Hun Sen to focus on and to promote the younger generation of technocrats and politicians to address these challenges. This will take some time. But what is at stake is not just Hun Sen's credibility and his place in history: Cambodia's viability is also at stake. No one wants it to be a failed state.
Verghese Mathews, a former Singapore Ambassador to Cambodia, is a Visiting Research Fellow at the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies.
SUBMITTED BY: Verghese Mathews, Email: mat....@iseas.edu.sg Sat, 7 Jan 2006
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December 21, 2005
Quest for Truth I
By Kok Sap
Victim of April 17,1975
Who's Khim Tit? This question was in my mind for sometimes. This man was a former province of Battambang governor who rose through ministerial ranks in Sihanouk regimes pre and post-colonial reign. But for some reasons people had not stressed enough of this man notoriety in meddling Cambodia independence endeavor. He eventually remains a questionable trigger who had a lot to do with Cambodia past and present instability.
To the Cambodia fragile Independence plan, this man might not seem to be that of significance at the time. But he certainly had played a key role in sabotaging Cambodia self-rule and determination from the get going. Mentality wise, he seemed to fit well with Hun Sen own colonial collaboration. Overwhelmingly many seemed disagreed over his government and practices throughout years. This question has been floating until this date and yet escaped Sihanouk memories entirely when come to truth.
Undeniably, to many sensible and conscionable later generations, this still seemed to be an unsolved mystery. Those who had stained hands then seemed to withdraw and hide them in French pantalon pockets. Some still arrogantly refuted and disrespected truth. Some questioned own nationality validity and integrity? Out of the two best known historians of post colonial Cambodia seemed to lend supports in truth searching for our readers. In this case let re-examine one of the detractors motif and sense of nationalism at the time.
According to a journalist Milton Osborne account in his book titled Sihanouk Prince of Light Prince of Darkness, on p 38, Charles Myer argued that some years were to pass before Sihanouk seriously engaged himself in affairs of state rather than making the pursuit of pleasure his dominant concern. Certainly, the evidence is overwhelming that after the Japanese coup de force Sihanouk was content to rely on the largely conservative advice of men such as his uncle Prince Monireth or Khim Tit, a provincial governor who was to join the cast of politicians whose names repeatedly featured in the revolving door cabinets of the 1940s and 50s.
Then on p.46, in 1945s, Khim Tit, was Son Ngoc Thanh's minister for defense and an unquestioned Francophile became increasingly concerned as Thanh sought to establish links with the emerging communist-dominated regime in Viet Nam.
On p.47, asserted that the removal of Thanh from office was engineered by Khim Tit as Khim Tit's own version of the events surrounding Thanh's removal from office is self serving and unsatisfactory. While Son Ngoc Thanh seemed prepared to risk armed conflict with the French, Sihanouk heeded to advice of his conservative advisers, responding in cautious and polite terms to a call from Admiral Argenlieu, whom De Gaulle had sent to Indo China as high commissioner, to dispatch representatives to the planned meeting in India that would discuss the Cambodia's future relations with France.
Son Ngoc Thanh's own assessment seemed to risk over Cambodia independence as opposed to Sihanouk own monkey trick reservation. On October 8, Khim Tit suddenly left for Saigon with Charles de Gaulle government military officer Major Gallois. The author conveyed with credible proof that Khim Tit trip was to cook up plots and appeared personal with De Gaulle government official General Jacques Philippe Leclerc to ousting Son Ngoc Thanh from office. To his disappointment Prince Monireth was assuming Thanh job on October 17, rather than Khim Tit himself. But Sihanouk never admitted that he was behind the plot but never denied that he was aware of Khim Tit trip to Saigon to meet Gen. Leclerc. Then in 1973 when he was representing the Cambodia delegation at UN, the same devious veteran conservative, Khim Tit, had claimed to have seen a police report that Khieu Samphan had been burnt to death with acid, while Hou Youn and Hu Nim,who had gone to the marquis in 1967,had been crushed beneath bulldozer tracks. This was insanely ludicrous and irresponsible.
Concurrently David Chandler accounts in his book titled The Tragedy of Cambodian History on p.24 asserted that the provisional government of Charles De Gaulle sent military officers back to Indo China whom later aided the self-serving Khim Tit, a new minister of defense, in arrest his superior Prime Minister Son Ngoc Thanh.This account clearly supported by the British Officer Lt.Colonel E.D Murray in 1982 interview stated on October 8 1945 he was there and had worked closely with Khim Tit, who had, after trip from Saigon, published a disingenuous report denying that he had been collaborated with French Gen.Leclerc in arresting Son Ngoc Thanh then.
Double Jeopardizes on Khim Tit was in fact a bolded face liar. Then Chandler went on p.37 to state that Khim Tit went on to be the head of National Union Party of Sisowath Lycee clique in divergent task in addition to Khmer Renovation Party led by the clique from Colonial Chasseloup Laubat Lycee to drown out Democrats Party progressive campaign for election in the absence of its founding leader Yuthevong death in 1947.
This enough to say that Son Ngoc Thanh was in fact a dreamer of Cambodia Independence. Yet his legacy had been distorted by a handful of Sihanouk loyal cronies untruthfulness and disingenuous accounts. Let it be known that the truth remain untold to the Cambodia generations that who is the real Sihanouk and are his co-conspirators in term of history.
SUBMITTED BY: kok sap, Email: koks....@yahoo.com
Sun, 25 Dec 2005
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Freedom Of Expression Being Haunted By Ghost Of The Past
Majority of Cambodian whether they are living abroad or in Cambodia, they seem to be locked up by the past of intimidation which one was prohibited to make critic a bad performance by a leader. Moreover, Cambodian used to living under a dictatorships for many decades that governing in different forms of systems. For any of this of government, one could not say anything to inform or to criticize a leader from the bottom to the top. For example, if an individual says something to criticize a leader even a president of a community or an executive of a community, one would be in a thread like, if you are in Cambodia, you would have been killed or bitten up. In addition, if one is living abroad and criticizing Hun Sen or Norodom Ranaridh, one would be told, "..be careful when you are going to Cambodia, or you are so modest here, why don't you try in front of Hun Sen and his men." Even worst, you are told to shut up and to leave the those alone and let them do what they are doing.
We seem afraid of our shadow or should I say the ghost of the past. How does the democracy spousper in Cambodia, and how does the process of our democracy in progress when we keep sabotaging our expression, and furthermore, the FUNCI and CPP's government keep amending constitution that dealing with freedom of expression and free press?
By one's understanding, freedom of expression is one of the key to democracy. However, when freedom of expression has been shut, the key process of democracy is invanded.
I can only say one thing, we must use our right, and tell those who shut us up to shut up! If we want a democracy, we have to get the democracy ourself!
SUBMITTED BY: Samoeun Chhim, Email: samoeun....@yahoo.ca Tue, 27 Dec 2005
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Do you know or have you heard of HAK MAO, a Cambodian man who came from the village CHANG BO HÈ in Cambodia, (khoum and srok) POURK, province (khhaid) SIEM RIEP ?
His family in Cambodia didn't see him since 1973 and they're still looking for him. They say that he might lives in Canada, but nothing is for sure. He works or used to work as an airplane pilot (khan Bela ?).
HAK (surname) MAO (last name) is the oldest of his family of 9 brothers et sisters.
Father Mao Huy (dead)
Mother Chhoun Leng (dead)
1 Brother Mao Hak (lost since 1973)
2 Sister Mao Lon (lives in Samrong Oddormechey)
3 Sister Mao Leup (lives in Samrong Oddormechey)
4 Sister Mao Loun (lives in Samrong Oddormechey)
5 Brother Mao Ly Hiav (lives in Samrong Oddormechey)
6 Brother Mao KIm Louth (lives in Samrong Oddormechey)
7 Sister Mao Kim Leng (lives in Samrong Oddormechey)
8 Brother Mao Ly Han (lives in Chong kal Oddormechey)
9 Brother Mao Ly Hor (lives in Samrong Oddormechey)
As you can see, most of his family still lives in Cambodia, in Samrong, Oddormechey. Only one brother lives in phnom Pung Ror, in Chong Kal, Oddormechey.
Please if you have any information about HAK MAO, call his family in Cambodia who still hope that one day, they will see him again.
Telephone Numbers :
012 872 732
012 457 849
011 618 255
016 325 701
OR EMAIL ME AT CESTSARAH@YAHOO.COM
SUBMITTED BY: Sarah Kit
, Email: cest....@yahoo.com Tue, 8 Nov 2005
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