Editorial | Articles about Cambodia | Khmer

Thursday, August 16, 2012

Cambodia’s Hun Sen Has a Secret Plan

By James Hookway

Cambodia’s Prime Minister Hun Sen arrives before a meeting at the National Assembly in Phnom Penh - Reuters

Cambodia’s leader Hun Sen says he has a “secret strategy” to prevent his Southeast Asian nation from being dominated by its much larger neighbors: casinos.

In a five-hour, 20 minute address to Cambodia’s parliament Thursday, Prime Minister Hun Sen explained that his plans to turn this country of 15 million people into a global gaming hub is in fact part of a longer-term strategy to prevent neighbors such as Vietnam and Thailand from encroaching on Cambodian turf.

Border disputes are a recurring problem in the region, with Thai and Cambodian troops occasionally locking horns in Cambodia’s east. A contentious border demarcation process with Vietnam is still under way, and Mr. Hun Sen’s opponents have accused him of giving away territory to regional rivals, especially Vietnam, in the past. But on Thursday he took them to task.

“I don’t like casinos, but the biggest goal for giving permission to build casinos is to protect the border,” Mr. Hun Sen, 61 years old, told lawmakers in a marathon address, which was estimated by aides to be his longest yet. The predominantly Buddhist country now has more than 25 casinos, with more gaming tables on the way. “One can remove border markers, but one can’t remove five-storey hotels. Don’t be stupid.”

Worse, Mr. Hun Sen said, his critics had forced him to reveal his clandestine security plan. “This should be a secret strategy to protect the nation,” Asia’s longest-serving leader barked in his televised speech, which was mandatory viewing for civil servants, who watched their leader speak without breaks or taking questions.

It’s unclear how firmly Mr. Hun Sen’s tongue was planted in his cheek. His long and often rambling speeches frequently invite comparison with other long-winded leaders, such as Fidel Castro or Venezuela’s Hugo Chavez, and he often upbraids erring ministers on live television.

Earlier this year, he also lashed out at foreign correspondents for daring to suggest that Cambodia might use its role as host of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations this year to prevent the trade and security-bloc from taking a common stand against one of Cambodia’s main allies, China.

“I think he was being facetious” when unveiling his secret casino plan, said Ben Lee, an analyst with Macau-based consultancy iGamix.

It wasn’t immediately possible to reach a Cambodian government spokesman, and Vietnamese government officials didn’t immediately respond to requests for comment. Cheam Yeap, a member of Mr. Hun Sen’s party in the legislature, said the casino plan “is Prime Minister Hun Sen’s own strategy to protect the border. The prime minister is serious with his speech.”

There has been an extraordinary surge in new casinos opening their doors for business in Cambodia in recent years. Its government is attempting to attract a slice of the gaming money that has made Asia a new global center for the industry, and Cambodia’s borders are lined with casinos catering to Thai and Vietnamese gamblers who are prohibited from gambling in their own countries.

Opponents regularly criticize Mr. Hun Sen for promoting casinos for visitors. Many Cambodians, who are legally barred from gambling, see the joints as morally degrading.

Yet the industry has also created thousands of jobs in a country that is still striving to overcome of the chaos of the 1970s, when the former Maoist Khmer Rouge regime killed or contributed to the deaths of an estimated 2 million people. The country’s casinos range from hard-scrabble affairs in border outposts to palatial buildings in Phnom Penh, such as the riverside NagaWorld resort, which is adding 220 rooms to its existing 500.

The government says gaming generated around $20 million in tax revenues last year, up 25% from the year before, and which is re-invested in health care and education.

Authorities are now eyeing more casino developments in other tourist areas, including the towns of Siem Reap and Sihanoukville as Cambodia hopes to follow in the path of other gaming centers such as Macau, which last year pulled in $33.5 billion in gaming revenue, more than the five times the amount raked in in Las Vegas.

It is unclear how successful Cambodia will be in capturing a larger slice of this market, though squeamishness over the suitability of gaming in a predominantly Buddhist society doesn’t appear to be getting in the way of the country’s longer-term commercial and, possibly, national security goals.

Correction & Amplification:
An earlier version of this article incorrectly said Cambodia is a land-locked nation.

Labels: hun sen, Prime Minister Hun Sen, Sam Rainsy Party

» Read more!

Wednesday, August 01, 2012

Cambodia’s political merger: maximising the potential

By Ou Virak is President of the Cambodian Center for Human Rights
The Phnom Penh Post

The announcement last week from Manila that Cambodia’s two largest opposition parties – the Sam Rainsy Party (SRP) and the Human Rights Party (HRP) – are to merge under the banner of the Democratic Movement for National Rescue (DMNR) represents a great sign of hope for Cambodia’s beleaguered democracy.

For the first time in two decades, the Cambodian electorate may be given the option of a genuine and viable alternative to the Cambodian People’s Party (CPP).

Human Rights Party president Kem Sokha (2nd L), acting SRP president Kong Korm (C) and SRP lawmaker Mu Sochua (R) attend a meeting of the newly formed Democratic Movement for National Rescue party in Phnom Penh on Monday. Photograph: Vireak Mai/Phnom Penh Post

However, to attract Cambodia’s disenchanted electorate back to the polling booth – turnout for this year’s commune elections was just 60 per cent compared to 87 per cent ten years ago – and to maximise its chances of winning next year’s general elections, the DMNR should take the following steps:

Put party policy before personalities: Political parties in Cambodia have traditionally been projections of party leaders – not only Hun Sen’s CPP but also Kem Sokha’s HRP and Sam Rainsy’s eponymous party. Policy issues are relegated, with voters encouraged to vote for individual personalities rather than the parties that offer them the most.

The merger announcement indicates that Sam Rainsy and Kem Sokha – president and vice president of the DMNR respectively – are willing to let their personalities take a back seat to the profile of the new party. It is essential, however, that the DMNR can fulfil this profile.

It must ensure that its members take central stage and are allowed to help determine strategy and policy.

Move to the middle: In order to present itself as a viable alternative to the incumbent CPP, the DMNR must reach out to a broader section of society than the SRP’s and HRP’s current support base. While the DMNR should maintain the social goals of those parties, including reform of the country’s land sector, it should also expand its horizons and promote policies that will attract the business vote.

One way of doing this is to propose policies that appeal to small and medium-sized businesses: a pro-business approach which counters the CPP’s elitist policies that favour a small number of well-connected tycoons.

De-radicalise: The marginalisation of the opposition over the past 20 years has given rise to a tendency to promote radical causes to attract voters’ attention and score cheap political points. The most obvious example is the tendency of some opposition members – most famously Sam Rainsy – to chastise the CPP’s links to Vietnam and condemn the loss of Cambodian land to Vietnam.

While such reactions may have some validity, they have not generally been constructive or discerning. If the DMNR is to be truly democratic, it must steer clear of anti-Vietnamese sentiments.

Engage Cambodia’s youth: The CPP has ruled Cambodia for more than 30 years. The party leadership should be congratulated for its role in defeating the Khmer Rouge and for bringing peace and stability to this country. Rather than dwelling on these points, however, it is time for Cambodian politics – and the DMNR – to move on, reach out to the youth, so many of whom were born after the terrors of the 1970s and to whom the CPP’s achievements hold less resonance, and offer a vision whereby all sectors of society have a role to play and dreams to realise.

Promote gender equality: The CPP is now significantly outperforming the SRP and HRP in the area of female representation in politics. In the recent commune elections, 21 per cent of the CPP’s elected candidates were women, while only 11 per cent of the SRP’s elected candidates were women.

The HRP brought up the rear with a shameful 1.5 per cent. If the DMNR is to take office, it will do so riding the crest of a wave of hope and excitement. No such hope and excitement can exist if the new party is just another old boys’ club with the same backward patriarchal attitudes that are manifested in the SRP and HRP.

The DMNR must overcome these shortcomings and look to further gender balance in politics. It must listen to female perspectives from around the country and empower women to run as candidates in next year’s general elections.

Decreases in voter turnout in recent years have been testament to the growing conviction among the electorate that election results are a foregone conclusion and that real change can never really come from the ballot box.

For too long, the opposition has offered little more than a stamp of legitimacy for elections that they never really stood any chance of winning. After years of talks, the merger of the opposition parties represents the most exciting event in Cambodian politics for a long time.

These two erstwhile opponents must now seize their opportunity and offer the Cambodian voter – and the youth in particular – a viable alternative to the entrenched CPP for the first time in 20 years.

Labels: CPP, Human Rights Party, Kem Sokha, Mu Sochua, Sam Rainsy, Sam Rainsy Party

» Read more!

Wednesday, November 16, 2011

Hun Sen blasts SRP in speech

Vong Sokheng | Phnom Penh Post

Prime Minister Hun Sen yesterday accused the opposition Sam Rainsy Party of having a covert plan to subvert passage of next year’s national budget and threatened legal action against any of its members who continued to compare him to Muammar Gaddafi, the former Libyan leader killed last month after a months-long revolution.

“It is painful and insulting to be compared to Gaddafi, and to compare my fate to his,” Hun Sen said. “I am not going to take violent action. I will take legal action if I catch you continuing to compare [me] to Gaddafi.”

Hun Sen’s remarks came while he was speaking to about 1,000 villagers at a ceremony opening the refurbished and widened National Road No 3, which connects Phnom Penh with Kampot province.

The premier also said he had obtained “secret information” that the SRP was attempting to subvert the passage of next year’s budget by forcing four parliamentarians to resign from their seats in the 123-seat National Assembly.

This would result in the legislative body not having the 120 MPs necessary for it to function. Article 76 of the Constitution required that the National Assembly have at least 120 MPs, Hun Sen said.

“The most important of its [SRP] intentions is to prevent us borrowing money from China. When four SRP parliamentarians resign, the National Assembly will consist of only 119 members, and therefore it cannot pass [the budget law],” Hun Sen said, adding that the SRP was attempting to “fully destroy the nation”.

Stepping up his attack, he called for all SRP MPs to resign and allow the National Election Committee to divide their seats among other parties.

He also said internal disputes within the SRP would see it split into five factions, and that it was trying to avoid drawing attention to its own problems by creating havoc inside the National Assembly. Once the National Assembly was in crisis, the SRP would then call for the international community to put pressure on the ruling party, and claim it lacked legitimacy.

“You [SRP] want the international community to put pressure on me, but it is not easy, and if international diplomats are not clear [about the SRP’s manoeuvring], please come to pick up [recorded conservations of SRP members] at my Cabinet,” Hun Sen said, referring to alleged secret tapings of conversations between SRP members.

SRP spokesman Yim Sovann dismissed Hun Sen’s allegations, saying the SRP was preparing for the Senate elections in January. Some of its MPs would resign to run for seats in the Senate, he said. “We have no intention to prevent the national budget passing at the National Assembly.

“However, we want a more effective and responsible [use of government funds] for the nation and the people, because debt from borrowing from foreign countries, which is included in the national budget, lacks transparency and fuels corruption.”

SRP MP Mu Sochua told the Post on Sunday there was “a concerted effort under way to undermine the party’s effort to expand its influence in the Senate”, whose members are elected by commune councils.

The SRP had made significant gains in the 2007 commune council elections, winning 2,660 of the 11,353 seats nationwide.

It held two seats in the Senate and expected to win 10 or 11, she said.

additional reporting by Kim Yuthana and Vincent Maclsaac

Labels: Prime Minister Hun Sen, Sam Rainsy Party, SRP

» Read more!

Thursday, May 12, 2011

Eng Chhay Eang: The SRP strongman has resigned

By Khmerization

Mr. Eng Chhay Eang (pictured), former Secretary General of the Sam Rainsy Party (SRP) and the party strongman, has resigned as an MP for the Battambang constituency where he had served for several terms already.

It is not sure what prompted him to resign, but he was known to be under tremendous pressures after he was publicly attacked Mr. Mao Monivan for nepotism and cronyism. Mr. Mao Monivan had resigned as an MP and was then expelled from the party for his public outburst against Mr. Eng Chhay Eang and the party spokesman, Mr. Yim Sovan.

Mr. Eng Chhay Eang was instrumental in strengthening the party's rural base and in the setting up of party branches across the country. He is politically astute and earned high praises from Mr. Sam Rainsy for his intelligence and management skills. He was once touted as a possible successor to Mr. Sam Rainsy as a party president due to his political shrewdness. However, he was heavily criticised for his heavy-handedness against internal criticism and has often been considered as a liability to the party due to his past gambling addiction.

Mr. Eang Chhay was replaced by Mr. Vann Narith.

At the same time, Mrs. Long Sakhorn, an MP from the ruling Cambodian People's Party, has also tendered her resignation as an MP for the seat of Prey Veng and she was replaced by Mr. Pov Samy.

Labels: Eng Chhay Eang, Mao Monivan, Sam Rainsy Party, SRP, Vann Narith

» Read more!

Tuesday, April 19, 2011

Opposition Leader Sam Rainsy's reply to Mr. Kem Sokha's question about the formula for uniting the SRP and the HRP

Dear colleagues,

By now, you must be aware of Kem Sokha's letter to me dated April 18. All the press has received it and has asked for my reply to Kem Sokha's question about the formula for uniting the Sam Rainsy Party and the Human Rights Party: Creation of a new party with a new name, or merger with the SRP?

I've just replied to VOA and RFA that before choosing any FORMULA for a union, we must first show the required SPIRIT for a genuine and sincere union. Such a spirit requires mutual respect and mutual solidarity as real partners in a real union would show to each other.

Therefore, the HRP, if it is sincere, must stop publicly treating the SRP as an enemy by using the same language, the same propaganda tools and the same political tricks (such as displaying "defectors") as the ones used by the CPP in their continuous attempt to "break" the SRP.

If the HRP treats the SRP as an ENNEMY, as the CPP does, how could they hope to become our PARTNER? What ground does the HRP have to treat us as an enemy? We have never committed any crime against the Cambodian people compared to the multiple crimes we reproach the ruling CPP to have committed. On the contrary, we have done our best to defend our country and all the victims of injustices in Cambodia.

In fact, by adopting the CPP's attitude toward us, the HRP is -- willingly or not -- serving the CPP interest and they have become a CPP de facto ally, at a time when the SRP is the main target for the CPP in the face of very serious national problems. Everybody can see that the SRP bears the brunt of the CPP attack on the opposition and the civil society. And curiously the HRP now joins hands with the CPP in attacking the SRP.

This is not the first time that an "Alliance" of democratic forces is due to collapse: Remember the past "alliances" between the SRP and the royalist FUNCINPEC party. Eventually, only the SRP has proved to abide by principles whereas its short-term “allies” proved to be political opportunists manipulated and bought by the CPP.

All the best,

Sam Rainsy

Labels: HRP, Kem Sokha, Sam Rainsy, Sam Rainsy Party

» Read more!

Thursday, March 10, 2011

Is the Sam Rainsy Party’s candle burning out?

Wednesday, 09 March 2011 15:00
Dara Saoyuth
Phnom Penh Post

People are sitting in a room looking at a large TV screen. They are watching a person on the screen and if they want to speak, they have to get out of their seats and go to a desk and talk in a microphone so that the person on the screen can hear and respond. This is the method employed by Sam Rainsy Party members to communicate with their leader, Sam Rainsy, who is now living in self-exile in France.

Sam Rainsy was convicted in January 2010 of destroying public property and racial incitement with Vietnam by pulling up border posts along the Vietnamese border in Svay Rieng province in 2009. On March 1, 2011, Cambodia’s Supreme Court rejected his appeal and his sentence of two years in jail still stands.

“The court is used as a political tool to shut Sam Rainsy’s mouth or eliminate him from the political arena since he is the leader of the opposition party,” said Yim Sovann, a spokesman for the Sam Rainsy Party.

On the other hand, Cheam Yeap, a senior Cambodian People’s Party lawmaker, said the ruling party did not order Sam Rainsy to remove the border posts. “Our country has law, so Sam Rainsy has to face court because of his wrongdoing, and if one day in the future I do something wrong, of course, I will face the court as well,” said Cheam Yeap.

A press release issued on February 22 by the Cambodian Center for Human Rights stated “the convictions against Sam Rainsy may leave the country’s largest opposition party without a leader at the next general election”.

Sam Rainsy fled the country in early 2009 and will serve 12 years in jail if he returns to Cambodia because in a separate case, the Phnom Penh Municipal Court sentenced him to an additional 10 years in jail on charges of forging public documents and disinformation after convicting him of disinformation and falsifying public documents.

The executive director of the Khmer Institute of Democracy (KID) in Cambodia, Hang Chhaya, said what has concerned him is that Cambodia is a democratic country, so Sam Rainsy’s case should not have reached the level of removing his parliamentary immunity and sentencing him since he had rights as a politician. “What the ruling party want is to make a good leader who people see, love and support, have to stay abroad as long as possible,” said Hang Chhaya.

While Prime Minister Hun Sen can stand and talk to CPP members and his supporters directly, Sam Rainsy needs support from technology to be able to communicate with SRP members and supporters.

However, Yim Sovann said the fact that Sam Rainsy is not in Cambodia is not a problem for the party. “If you want to meet the party leader, we can make a phone call or video conference that you can see the picture and there is no difference in communication by having or not having him present,” said Yim Sovann, adding that Sam Rainsy is still the party leader who leads meetings and keeps communicating between all levels of leaders and members.

While the frog tries harder, the snake also tries harder

To gain more support in the upcoming election, the HRP and SRP have been working on merging their parties. After the 2008 national election, on January 15, 2009, Sam Rainsy and Kem Sokha signed on a joint declaration officially establishing the Democratic Movement for Change. Since then the alliance has not reached 100 percent agreement and recently each party created a working group of five people to discuss the merger.

Mu Sochua, a SRP lawmaker and one of the five people in a merger group on the SRP side, said some conflict of ideas and misunderstandings from the past were the reasons for slowing the merger.
However, she said she believed it would be successful soon. “We are democratic people and we have the same goal,” Mu Sochua said.

Mu Sochua said she was sure of success in the next election when the alliance reaches full agreement. She gave as an example Kampot province, where the SRP needs about 10,000 votes more to get one more parliament seat, however the HRU gets more than 14,000 votes. “Because we were not united at that time, about 14,000 votes were useless because none of us got any seats in parliament,” she said.

“Previously, we didn’t work well on the merger, but now we have a clear objective and we have clear steps to take,” Keat Sukun, a coordinator in merger group on the HRP side, said. He added that both sides had recently found common ground for a lasting unification of the parties.

Keat Sukun said that in Cambodia, each party cannot do everything alone and unification is very important in terms of exchanging human resources.

“It is the right decision to join as an alliance,” said Phnom Penh-based political analyst Chea Vannath, who explained that the seat allocation formula in Cambodia makes small political parties waste a lot of votes if they are not united.

However, she said she’s unsure if this unification can last much longer because, based on her observations, it seems easy to break up.

“To unite successfully, it’s very important to have trust building between the two parties, as wife and husband do,” said Chea Vannath. “We have to think that there will be a lot of obstacles with each step we take, and if we can trust each other, this unification will last forever.”

“While the frog tries harder, the snake also tries harder,” said Cheam Yeap, explaining that the ruling party was also working harder. Cheam Yeap said the ruling party did not fear the union of opposition parties.

However, he added: “All CPP members are not advised to ride a horse with a free hand.” He added that they are not just sitting there happy with their victory, but they are working to keep it.

Labels: Cambodia's Court, Cheam Yeap, Sam Rainsy, Sam Rainsy Party

» Read more!

Tuesday, October 26, 2010

Ireland's Senator Alex White intervenes in favour of Sam Rainsy

Ireland's Senator Alex White intervenes in favour of Sam Rainsy
Micheál Martin TD
Minister for Foreign Affairs
80 St Stephen’s Green
Dublin 2

21 October 2010

Dear Minister,

I write to you in relation to Mr Sam Rainsy, leader of the second-largest political party in Cambodia.

Mr Rainsy has denounced corruption and human rights abuses in his homeland but has been prosecuted by the ruling party and government of Cambodia. Mr Rainsy established a political party in 1995, but has been subject to assassination attempts, threats, intimidation, criminal cases, and civil court cases. In 1997, a grenade attack on a political rally he was addressing killed at least 16 people and wounded 150.

Mr Rainsy has been deprived of his parliamentary immunity and has received prison sentences twice. I enclose an article from Human Rights Watch dated 28 January 2010 entitled ‘Cambodia: Opposition Leader Sam Rainsy’s Trial a Farce’ which deals with these issues.

I would appreciate if you could inform me whether the department has been in touch with the Cambodian authorities in recent times and whether you have raised the case of Mr Rainsy. If you have not had such an opportunity, I would ask you to do so as a matter of urgency.

I look forward to hearing from you.

Kind regards,

Senator Alex White

Senator Alex White,
Seanad Eireann, Leinster House, Dublin 2. 618 3972
Constituency: 1 Main Street, Rathfarnham, Dublin 14
Home: 30 Fortfield Road, Terenure, Dublin 6w. 490 3889

http://www.alexwhite.ie
http://senatoralexwhite.wordpress.com

Labels: Ireland, Sam Rainsy, Sam Rainsy Party, Senator Alex White

» Read more!

HOW WILL HUN SEN RESPOND TO THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT AND THE UNITED NATIONS' RECOMMENDATIONS?

HOW WILL HUN SEN RESPOND TO THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT AND THE UNITED NATIONS' RECOMMENDATIONS?

Today, 17 opposition National Assembly members including Sam Rainsy wrote to Prime Minister Hun Sen asking the Government to elaborate on its position and action plan following last week’s Resolution from the European Parliament strongly condemning human rights violations in Cambodia and calling for corrective measures.

Referring to Article 96 of the Constitution which requires the Government to answer any question from any National Assembly member within seven days, the 17 Parliamentarians, who enclosed in their letter to Hun Sen the original text in English of the European Parliament October 21, 2010 “Resolution on Cambodia, in particular the case of Cambodia”, asked the Prime Minister the following question:
« What measures and what decisions will the Government take to respond to proposals and recommendations from the European Parliament, which wants to see the resolution of a number of political problems in Cambodia in accordance with the principles of true liberal democracy based on pluralism? »

In their letter the 17 Parliamentarians reminded Hun Sen of the following points:
- « In its “Resolution on Cambodia, in particular the case of Sam Rainsy,” the European Parliament specifically calls on the Cambodian government to “engage in political and institutional reforms to build a democratic state governed by the rule of law and founded on respect for fundamental freedoms.” »

- « The European Parliament also calls on the Cambodian government to “draw up an action programme and timetable for implementing the recommendations made in the June 17, 2010 report by the United Nations Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Cambodia”. This UN report notably “deplores external interference in the work of the judiciary.” »

- « All the political groups representing the 736 Members of the European Parliament representing 27 countries in all over Europe unanimously adopted the above-mentioned October 21, 2010 “Resolution on Cambodia, in particular the case of Sam Rainsy.” »

SRP Members of Parliament

Labels: European Parliament, Prime Minister Hun Sen, Sam Rainsy, Sam Rainsy Party

» Read more!

Letter from SRP MP Son Chhay to US Ambassador Carol Rodley

HE Mrs. Carol Rodley
US Ambassador to the Kingdom of Cambodia
No. 1, Street 96
Sangkat Wat Phnom
Phnom Penh.

October 25, 2010
Ref: SC4-014/10
Dear HE Mrs. Carol Rodley,

I am writing on behalf of parliamentarians from the Sam Rainsy Party (SRP), regarding the upcoming visit of United States Secretary of State, Mrs Hillary Clinton, to the Kingdom of Cambodia. We very much look forward to the visit of such a high-ranking American political visit to our country. We do hope it will in particular allow for issues concerning the advancement of human rights, democracy and justice to be primordially discussed and tackled. Further, it is with this in mind that we would like to ask you to help in arranging for a meeting between Mrs. Hillary Clinton and Parliamentarians of the Sam Rainsy Party (SRP).

The current situation has deteriorated immensely in terms of implementing, the Democratic Principles and the respect of basic human rights in Cambodia, particularly targeting the poor, women, and all those individuals who might be suspect of political opposition. This has been expressed through the centralizing of power by the ruling party to solely control of all national institutions and the widespread land grabbing affecting essentially the poor, daily physical and psychological discrimination, the use of the judicial power for political ends, and brutal suppression of any form of protest and criticism. Several members of our party, including our leader, Mr. Sam Rainsy, have repeatedly faced life threats, forced exile, court trial and/or imprisonment. In the last annual report to the UN Human Rights Council in Geneva last month, the UN Special Rapporteur for the situation of human rights in Cambodia, Professor Surya Subedi, deplored that victims of all sorts of abuses in Cambodia seem to be “desperate for justice,” and is “concerned about the narrowing of political space in the country for people belonging to the opposition political parties and other political activists.”

Our party has been working relentlessly to push for all citizens, including women, to be able to speak out and to protect all Cambodian citizens’ freedom of speech and all other fundamental rights. We aim to bring an end to the culture of fear predominating in our country and with this Cambodian citizens’ silence.

For this, we are very thankful for the international community’s committed support, including that of the United States. We have been continuously encouraged and fully support the United States’ ever-strong commitment to the promotion of human rights, democracy and the rule of law, worldwide and including in Cambodia. We have been particularly touched by your Excellency Carol Roldey past interventions, your statement in supporting the need to fight persisting corruption in our country. We have also been truly inspired by Secretary of State, Mrs. Hillary Clinton, a woman, who leads a very strong political career for the US democratic party, committed to battle for the improvement of her own country as well as for stability in the world, including especially with regards to human rights.

As one of the 48 Least Developed Countries, Cambodia stands to further gain from the international community’s support and as national parliamentarians we have the duty to ensure that our country’s most discriminated against benefit. It is also our duty to protect our citizens and make their grievances heard. We believe that meeting with Mrs. Hillary Clinton, would be an immense honor for our people as it will help to encourage the respect for the role of opposition in a fading Democracy in Cambodia as well as opportunity to discuss and further such matters.

Please accept, Excellency, the assurances of my highest consideration, and my personal respect.

Sincerely yours,

SON Chhay, AM
Member of Parliament
Party Whip of SRP

Labels: Carol Rodley, Sam Rainsy Party, Son Chhay

» Read more!

Monday, October 25, 2010

Letter from Canadian MP Alexandra Mendes regarding the 1991 Paris Peace Agreements and Sam Rainsy's case

Labels: 1991 Paris Peace Accords, Canadian MP Alexandra Mendes, Sam Rainsy, Sam Rainsy Party

» Read more!

Sam Rainsy Party's Members of Parliament Letter to Somdech Dejo Prime Minister Hun Sen

Sam Rainsy Party's Members of Parliament Letter Sent to Somdech Dejo Prime Minister Hun Sen regarding 1991 Paris Peace Agreements.

Labels: 1991 Paris Peace Accords, Prime Minister Hun Sen, Sam Rainsy Party

» Read more!

Sunday, October 24, 2010

Samdech Dejo Hun Sen Refuses to answer SRP MPs as to why his regime violates the 1991 Paris Peace Agreements on Cambodia

Labels: 1991 Paris Peace Accords, Cambodia Parliament, Paris Peace Agreement, Prime Minister Hun Sen, Sam Rainsy Party

» Read more!

Thursday, October 21, 2010

European Parliament resolution of 21 October 2010 on Cambodia, in particular the case of Sam Rainsy

Thursday, 21 October 2010 - Strasbourg
European Parliament resolution of 21 October 2010 on Cambodia, in particular the case of Sam Rainsy

The European Parliament,

– having regard to its resolutions of 13 January 2005 on trafficking of women and children in Cambodia(1) , 10 March 2005 on Cambodia(2) , 1 December 2005 on the human rights situation in Cambodia, Laos and Vietnam(3) , 19 January 2006 on political repression in Cambodia(4) and its resolution of 15 March 2007 on Cambodia(5) ,

– having regard to the Cooperation Agreement concluded in 1997 between the European Community and the Kingdom of Cambodia(6) , in particular Article 1 (respect for human rights) and Article 19 (suspension of agreement if one party violates Article 1) thereof and Annex I (regarding Article 19) thereto,

– having regard to the 1998 UN Declaration on Human Rights Defenders,

– having regard to the EU Guidelines on Human Rights Defenders approved by the Council on 14 June 2004 and updated in 2008,

– having regard to the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights,

– having regard to the 17 June 2010 report of the United Nations Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Cambodia, which deplores external interference in the work of the judiciary(7) ,

– having regard to the decision taken by the Inter-Parliamentary Union's Committee on the Human Rights of Parliamentarians at its meeting of 12 to15 July 2010,

– having regard to the resolution of 6 October 2010 of the Inter-Parliamentary Union's Governing Council,

– having regard to Rule 122(5) of its Rules of Procedure,

A. whereas a worrying authoritarian trend has been noticeable in Cambodia over the last few years; whereas this is reflected in a deterioration in the human rights situation, the stifling of fundamental freedoms, a brutal policy of land-grabbing that affects essentially the poor, the suppression of all forms of criticism and protest, the persecution of the parliamentary opposition and civil society activists, the use of the courts for political ends and a drift toward a one-party system,

B. whereas Sam Rainsy, a member of the Cambodian parliament and the leader of his country's second largest political party, has been persecuted by the authoritarian ruling party and government of Cambodia,

C. whereas on 23 September 2010 the opposition leader Sam Rainsy was sentenced in absentia to 10 years in prison on charges of disinformation and falsifying public documents by the Phnom Penh Municipal Court; whereas his conviction was based on an act of civil disobedience involving the uprooting of six wooden temporary border posts at the Vietnamese-Cambodian border, which is still disputed between the two countries; whereas the action took place in support of villagers who claimed to be victims of land-grabbing, saying that the Vietnamese had illegally shifted the posts onto Cambodian soil, in their rice fields, and that their complaints to the local authorities had remained unanswered,

D. whereas on 13 October 2010 the Appeal Court in Phnom Penh decided to uphold a two-year handed down on 27 January 2010 by the Svay Rieng provincial court, in absentia , against Sam Rainsy in connection with a protest against alleged Vietnamese encroachment on Cambodian territory, but decided to release two villagers convicted along with Sam Rainsy, after nine months and 20 days in prison,

E. whereas the strategy of Cambodia's ruling party is to use a politically subservient judiciary to crack down on all government critics,

F. whereas an alarmingly high number of people are being held in detention in Cambodia owing to various shortcomings in the criminal justice system, and whereas there is still no guarantee of the independence and impartiality of the judiciary,

G. whereas, according to human rights NGOs, the government has used the courts to silence criticism of its responses to land-grabbing, corruption and border disputes,

H. whereas on 30 August 2010 a staffer of the NGO Licadho, Leang Sokchoeun, was sentenced to two years‘ imprisonment by the Takeo provincial court for allegedly distributing anti-government leaflets in January 2010; whereas, however, the trial was tainted by severe procedural irregularities,

I. whereas Mu Sochua, an opposition member of parliament, has been convicted on a charge of defaming the Prime Minister,

J. whereas the journalist Hang Chakra was detained for nine months after having denounced corruption in the entourage of Vice-President Sok An,

K. whereas in 1995 Sam Rainsy was unconstitutionally expelled from the National Assembly, but managed to recover his parliamentary seat at subsequent elections; whereas he has escaped several assassination attempts, including a deadly grenade attack in 1997, but some 80 of his supporters have been murdered,

L. whereas the ruling party has stripped him of his parliamentary immunity three times on questionable bases in order to have him sentenced to prison terms,

M. whereas the EU is Cambodia's single largest donor,

1. Condemns all politically motivated sentences against representatives of the opposition and NGOs, in particular the sentences of 23 September 2010, 13 October and 27 January 2010 against Sam Rainsy, as well as that of 30 August 2010 against Leang Sokchoeun and those against Mu Sochua and the journalist Hang Chakra;

2. Reminds the Cambodian Government that it must fulfil its obligations and commitments regarding the democratic principles and fundamental human rights which are an essential element of the above-mentioned Cooperation Agreement, as stipulated in Article 1 of that Agreement;

3. Calls on the Cambodian authorities to ensure that the NGO law which is currently in preparation will not restrict the activities of Cambodian civil society organisations on grounds of discretionary interpretation and will not be applied in such a way as to disadvantage civil society as well as the opposition;

4. Calls on all political players to foster good neighbourhood policies within the region and a policy of reconciliation among ethnic and cultural groups in Cambodia;

5. Notes that the UN Special Rapporteur has drawn attention to progress and efforts being made by the Cambodian Government, and wishes to see practical steps taken to bring about a noticeable and lasting improvement in the situation as regards human rights and the independence of the courts;

6. Calls on the Cambodian authorities to:

– engage in political and institutional reforms to build a democratic state governed by the rule of law and founded on respect for fundamental freedoms;
– demonstrate their will to combat effectively the endemic scourges of corruption, massive deforestation resulting in the displacement of people, and the sex tourism industry, to reject the current culture of impunity and to bring to justice all those involved in such activities;
– guarantee free and fair political expression without intimidation and harassment;
– draw up an action programme and timetable for implementing the recommendations made in the Special Rapporteur's report;

7. Is alarmed at the prosecution and sentencing to a 12-year prison term of the opposition leader Sam Rainsy, on account of a gesture which it considers to be of a symbolic and clearly political nature;

8. Is particularly alarmed that, should it be upheld, this verdict would bar Sam Rainsy from standing in the 2013 parliamentary elections and would have consequences far beyond Sam Rainsy's case, as it is bound to affect the opposition as a whole, all the more so because the recent prosecutions of a number of outspoken opposition members have already narrowed down the political space, and would hence be detrimental to the democratic process in Cambodia;

9. Calls therefore on the authorities to explore ways and means of resolving the issues at hand through political dialogue and to enable Sam Rainsy to resume his parliamentary activities as rapidly as possible;

10. Calls on the Cambodian authorities to heed the recommendations made by the United Nations Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Cambodia; invites the Parliament of Cambodia to debate his report in parliament and to take the necessary measures to ensure implementation of his recommendations;

11. Calls on the European Union to take steps to ensure that fundamental freedoms, as enshrined in Article 1 of the above-mentioned Cooperation Agreement, are respected and that attacks on civil liberties have consequences; calls furthermore on the European Union to make continuation of its financial aid conditional upon an improvement in Cambodia's human rights record;

12. Calls for an emergency humanitarian plan to be put in place, with EU involvement and UN coordination, to assist the Cambodians who have been hardest hit by the crisis, in particular those working in the textile and construction industries who have lost their jobs;

13. Instructs its Delegation for relations with the countries of Southeast Asia and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and its Committee on Foreign Affairs to monitor developments;

14. Instructs its President to forward this resolution to the Vice-President of the Commission/High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, the governments and parliaments of the Member States, the governments of the ASEAN and ASEM member states, the ASEM secretariat, the UN Secretary-General, the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights and the government and National Assembly of the Kingdom of Cambodia.

Labels: European Parliament, Sam Rainsy, Sam Rainsy Party

» Read more!

Tuesday, October 05, 2010

Appeal for Cambodia / Appel pour le Cambode – By Sam Rainsy

October 23, 2010 : Commemoration of the 19th anniversary of the signing of the 1991 Paris Agreements on Cambodia

To all Overseas Cambodians and all Friends of Cambodia : Please send the Appeal below to your elected representatives (House Representatives, Senators, Congressmen, Members of Parliament) in your respective countries of residence

APPEAL FROM PARLIAMENTARIANS
FOR THE REACTIVATION OF THE PARIS AGREEMENTS ON CAMBODIA

A worrying authoritarian trend has been noticeable in Cambodia over the last few years. It shows in the form of a deterioration in the human rights situation, the stifling of fundamental freedoms, a brutal policy of land grabbing that affects essentially the poor, the suppression of all forms of criticism and protest, the persecution of the parliamentary opposition and activists of the civil society, the use of the judicial power for political ends and a drift toward a one-party system.

A written statement by Amnesty International to the 15th Session of the UN Human Rights Council in September 2010 says, “the systemic lack of protection of human rights in Cambodia arises from long-standing impunity for human rights violations [and] very serious shortcomings in the rule of law. The legal system remains biased against the poor and marginalized. Forced evictions continue to affect thousands of families, predominantly people living in poverty. Actions in the courts [initiated by the government] against housing rights defenders, journalists and other critical voices stifle freedom of expression. Amnesty International strongly calls for an end to the “ongoing serious human rights violations” in Cambodia.

Amnesty International’s observations are corroborated by reports from Professor Surya Subedi, the UN Special Rapporteur for the situation of human rights in Cambodia. In his last annual report to the UN Human Rights Council in Geneva last month, the UN Envoy deplores that victims of all sorts of abuses in Cambodia seem to be “desperate for justice,” and is “concerned about the narrowing of political space in the country for people belonging to the opposition political parties and other political activists.”

On the same topic and in the same period of time, a coalition of sixteen best-known local NGOs denounces a recent series of “political trials” and rings the alarm bell by stressing that Cambodia is at risk of becoming a “de-facto one-party state” as during war time.

Nineteen years ago, in order to put an end to war and massacres and to help in the reconstruction of Cambodia, the international community, under the aegis of the United Nations, brought all Cambodian factions together so as to achieve national reconciliation and to lay the foundations of a system of liberal democracy, on the basis of pluralism. It is this type of political system that the international community accepted to guarantee for Cambodia by signing the Paris Agreements on October 23, 1991.

In effect, the Paris Agreements guarantee that “all persons in Cambodia shall enjoy the rights and freedoms embodied in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights” (Article 3 of the Agreement Concerning the Sovereignty, Independence, Territorial Integrity and Inviolability, Neutrality and National Unity of Cambodia). Their signatories represented by eighteen friendly countries including all Western powers and also Australia and Japan, “undertake to promote and encourage respect for and observance of human rights and fundamental freedoms in Cambodia” (Article 15 of the Agreement on a Comprehensive Political Settlement of the Cambodia Conflict). Besides, important Annexes to that Agreement legally bind Cambodia to “a system of liberal democracy, on the basis of pluralism”. The official texts more specifically promise the Cambodian people the respect for “fundamental rights ”, “an independent judiciary”, “due process et equality before the law”, “protection from arbitrary deprivation of property” and “periodic and genuine elections ”, but all these fundamental elements of democracy have not materialized, which explains the current authoritarian, if not totalitarian, drift.

In order to put the democratization process back on track and to strengthen the mechanisms designed to protect human rights in Cambodia as enshrined in the Paris Agreements, the governments of signatory countries and donor institutions such as the European Commission must immediately take adequate measures to ensure the effective respect for all the relevant provisions of the Agreements,

Guided by the desire to help consolidate democracy in Cambodia and to help this country achieve a harmonious and sustainable development on the basis of sound political foundations, the elected representatives from the Cambodian democratic opposition (**) and parliamentarians from friendly nations (***) together launch this Appeal for the reactivation of the 1991 Paris Agreements on Cambodia. They are doing it on the eve of the 19th anniversary of the historical signing of the Agreements, which is the coming 23rd day of October.

-------------------
(*) Full text of the Agreements at http://tinyurl.com/24558zn
(**) 26 Cambodian National Assembly members and 2 Cambodian Senators from the Sam Rainsy Party initiated this Appeal.
(***) Parliamentarians from friendly countries who want to express their solidarity and support, please simply send your names to samrainsysrp@gmail.com. Thank you.

==========================

23 octobre 2010 : Commémoration du 19ème anniversaire de la signature des Accords de Paris de 1991 sur le Cambodge.

A tous les Cambodgiens d’Outre-mer et à tous les Amis du Cambodge : Prière d’envoyer l’Appel ci-dessous à vos représentants élus (Députés et Sénateurs) dans votre pays de résidence.

APPEL DE PARLEMENTAIRES
A LA REACTIVATION DES ACCORDS DE PARIS SUR LE CAMBODGE

Une inquiétante dérive autoritaire se manifeste au Cambodge depuis plusieurs années. Elle se caractérise par une détérioration de la situation des droits l’homme, un étouffement des libertés fondamentales, une politique brutale de confiscation de terres qui touche surtout la masse des pauvres, la suppression de toutes formes de critique et contestation , la persécution de l’opposition parlementaire et des militants de la société civile, l’utilisation du pouvoir judiciaire à des fins politiques et un glissement vers un système de parti unique.

Ainsi, on peut lire dans une déclaration d’Amnesty International à la 15 ème session du Conseil des droits de l’homme en septembre 2010 : “La déficience systématique en matière de protection des droits de l’homme au Cambodge tient à l’impunité de longue date pour les violations des droits de l’homme [et] aux très graves manquements à l’état de droit. Le système judiciaire reste biaisé à l’encontre des pauvres et des marginalisés. Les expropriations par la force continuent de toucher des milliers de familles, essentiellement des gens vivant dans la pauvreté. Les actions en justice [intentées par le gouvernement] contre ceux qui prennent la défense des spoliés, les journalistes et d’autres voix critiques, tendent à étouffer la liberté d’expression”. Amnesty International demande que des mesures soient prises pour que cessent ces “sérieuses et persistantes violations des droits de l’homme” au Cambodge.

Les constatations de Amnesty International sont corroborées par le Rapporteur spécial des Nations unies pour la situation des droits de l’homme au Cambodge, M. Surya Su bédi. Celui-ci, dans son dernier rapport au Conseil des droits de l’homme le mois dernier à Genève, constate que les victimes d’abus de toutes sortes sont “désespérées de la justice”, et se dit “préoccupé par le rétrécissement de l’espace politique pour les partis d’opposition et d’autres militants [des droits civiques]”.

Dans le même ordre d’idée et durant la même période, une coalition de seize ONG locales les plus connues dénonce la récente série de “procès politiques” frappant des dirigeants de l’opposition, et tire la sonnette d’alarme: le Cambodge est en train de revenir en fait à un “système de parti unique” comme au temps de la guerre.

Pourtant, il y a dix-neuf ans, afin de mettre fin à la guerre et aux massacres et aider à la reconstruction du Cambodge, la communauté internationale, sous l’égide des Nations unies, avait amené toutes les factions cambodgiennes à se réconcilier et à jeter les bases d’une démocratie libérale pluraliste dont elle garantit le respect par la signature des Accords des Paris le 23 octobre 1991 (*).

En effet, les Accords de Paris garantissent que “toutes les personnes se trouvant au Cambodge jouiront des droits et libertés formulés par la Déclaration universelle des droits de l'homme” (Article 3 de l’Accord relatif à la souveraineté, l'indépendance, l'intégrité et l'inviolabilité territoriales, la neutralité et l'unité nationale du Cambodge). Leurs signataires composés de dix-huit pays amis incluant toutes les puissances occidentales ainsi que l’Australie et le Japon, “s'engagent à promouvoir et encourager le respect et l'exercice des droits de l'homme et des libertés fondamentales” (Article 15 de l‘Accord pour un règlement politique global du conflit du Cambodge). Par ailleurs, des annexes importantes au même Accord prévoient bien pour le Cambodge “un système de démocratie libérale, fondé sur le pluralisme”. Les textes promettent plus spécifiquement aux Cambodgiens le respect des “droits fondamentaux”, “un pouvoir judiciaire indépendant”, “le droit à un procès équitable et l’égalité devant la loi”, la “protection contre la dépossession arbitraire” et des “élections périodiques et authentiques”, autant d‘éléments dont la non-concrétisation explique la dérive autoritaire, pour ne pas dire totalitaire, du pouvoir actuel.

Pour remettre sur les rails le processus de démocratisation et renforcer les dispositifs de défense des droits de l’homme au Cambodge figurant dans les Accords de Paris, les gouvernements des pays signataires et les institutions pourvoyeuses d’aide comme la Commission Européenne doivent prendre immédiatement les mesures nécessaires pour assurer le respect effectif de toutes les clauses essentielles de ces Accords.

C’est dans le but de consolider la démocratie au Cambodge et aider ce pays à se développer harmonieusement et durablement sur des bases saines que les élus de l’opposition démocratique cambodgienne (**) et des parlementaires de nations amies (***) lancent cet Appel à la réactivation des Accords de Paris de 1991 sur le Cambodge, et cela à la veille du dix-neuvième anniversaire de leur signature, le 23 octobre prochain.

-------------------

(*) Texte intégral des Accords sur le site http://tinyurl.com/2ua2awb
(**) 26 députés et 2 sénateurs cambodgiens du Parti Sam Rainsy ont initié cet Appel.
(***) Nous demandons aux parlementaires des pays amis du Cambodge qui désirent exprimer leur solidarité et leur soutien de bien vouloir simplement envoyer leur nom à samrainsysrp@gmail.com. Nous les en remercions vivement à l’avance.

[caption id="attachment_22602" align="alignleft" width="305" caption="ប្រធានគណបក្សសមរង្ស៊ី លោក សម រង្ស៊ី (RFA/Ayuthyea)"]

ប្រធានគណបក្សសមរង្ស៊ី លោក សម រង្ស៊ី (RFA/Ayuthyea)

[/caption]

Labels: 1991 Paris Peace Accords, Sam Rainsy, Sam Rainsy Party

» Read more!

Friday, September 24, 2010

Complaint and Petition Requesting Criminal Investigation and Prosecution of Hun Sen, Prime Minister of Cambodia

SEPTEMBER 23, 2010

COMPLAINT AND PETITION REQUESTING
CRIMINAL INVESTIGATION AND PROSECUTION
OF HUN SEN, PRIME MINISTER OF CAMBODIA
SUBMITTED TO THE ATTORNEY GENERAL OF THE U.S.,
THE CRIMINAL DIVISION OF THE U.S DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE, THE U.S. ATTORNEY FOR THE SOUTHERN DISTRICT
OF NEW YORK, AND FEDERAL BUREAU OF INVESTIGATION

CONCERNING FALSE AND FRAUDULENT STATEMENTS, AND MISREPRESENTATIONS AND THREATS MADE TO OFFICERS OF THE FEDERAL BUREAU OF INVESTIGATION DURING THE COURSE OF AN OFFICIAL CRIMINAL INVESTIGATION, IN VIOLATION OF 18 U.S.C. SECTION 1001 and SECTION 115(a)(1) (B) and (b)(4), AND CONSTITUTING OBSTRUCTION OF JUSTICE IN VIOLATION OF 18 U.S.C. SECTION 1501, et seq.

Submitted by Morton Sklar
Founding Executive Director Emeritus (retired)
World Organization for Human Rights USA
with, and on behalf of,
the Sam Rainsy Party of Cambodia
(the largest political opposition group)
and the following named Complainants:
Sam Rainsy, Ly Neary,
Lay Chan Thou, and Nguon Huon Heun
and U.S. citizen Ron Abney

Contact Information: Email: mshumanrights@verizon.net
Telephone: (1) (301) 946-4649

COMPLAINT AND REQUEST FOR CRIMINAL
INVESTIGATION AND PROSECUTION
OF HUN SEN, PRIME MINISTER OF CAMBODIA
AND NAMED SUBORDINATE OFFICIALS

I. Overview:
On March 30, 1997, a vicious grenade attack was carried out against a peaceful political rally taking place across from the Parliament building in Phnom Penh, Cambodia. According to a U.S. Federal Bureau of Investigation inquiry on the attack, Prime Minister Hun Sen's Personal Bodyguard military unit may well have been responsible for planning and organizing the attack, and for obstructing the capture of the grenade throwers. A team of FBI investigators was sent by the U.S. Government to compile information and evidence concerning the attack because at least one U.S. citizen was injured by the explosion of the grenades, meaning that U.S. criminal law had been violated. The FBI investigations produced a great deal of information and evidence implicating Hun Sen and his personal military unit as likely perpetrators of these violations of U.S. criminal laws, much of which was presented in testimony and submissions made to the U.S. Congress. But a full FBI investigation was not allowed to be completed because threats were made against the FBI investigators, and false and misleading statements and misrepresentations were made. These actions by Hun Sen and his subordinate officials constituted an attempt to cover-up and prevent prosecution of federal crimes, in violation of provisions of U.S. law that prohibit lying to federal officials engaged during the course of an official investigation (18 U.S.C. Section 1001), obstruction of justice (18 U.S.C. Chapter 73, including Sections 1505 and 1510), and the making of threats against federal officials (18 U.S.C. Sections 115(a)(1) B and (b)(4). This Petition and Complaint seeks a full criminal investigation and prosecution of these attempts to improperly and unlawfully cover-up and prevent the FBI's investigation of the crimes associated with the grenade attack in 1997. It is submitted in conjunction with the visit to the United Nations General Assembly by Prime Minister Hun Sen, in order to make clear his direct involvement in both the original grenade attack itself, and in the efforts by his subordinates to cover up the crimes.

The United States has jurisdiction to investigate and prosecute these cover-up efforts despite the fact that the original assaults took place in Cambodia, because they constitute direct violations of U.S. laws involving the investigative work of the team of FBI agents sent to examine U.S. crimes that were perpetrated against at least one U.S. citizen, Ron Abney of the International Republican Institute, who was injured in the grenade attack. Prime Minister Hun Sen may seek to claim "head of state immunity" for his alleged involvement in the grenade attacks and the cover-up efforts. But his subordinates who were and are subject to his control and supervision, and who are heavily implicated in the grenade attack and the resulting cover-up, should be prosecuted to the full extent of U.S. law. Though we recognize that Hun Sen himself may be immune from criminal process and prosecution during the course of his visit to the United Nations General Assembly Session starting on September 23, 2010, it is important that his involvement in the U.S. crimes that have been described is recognized, and that his subordinates who participated in these crimes are held fully accountable.

Each of the Complainants filing this Petition and named on the Cover Page were adversely affected by the federal crimes described herein. The Sam Rainsy Party, then known by a different name, was the organizer of the political rally that was subjected to grenade attack on March 30, 1997. Sam Rainsy, the leader of that party was the main target of the grenade attack. Each of the other named Complainants are individuals who themselves, or through close family members, were directly affected by the grenade attacks, and by the cover-up effort that prevented the perpetrators of the attacks from being identified, prosecuted and brought to justice. This includes U.S. citizen Ron Abney, who was present in Cambodia at the time of the grenade attack as a representative of the International Republican Institute, and whose injuries during the attack served as the jurisdictional basis for the FBI investigation.

Among the individuals named in this Complaint has having directly participated in the criminal activities as described and explained herein are Hun Sen, present Prime Minister of Cambodia, General Huy Pised, General Hing Bun Heang, Chinn Savon, and Mok Chito. Others may be identified as being involved in the described obstruction of justice as a result of the investigation that we are requesting take place.

II. The FBI Investigation and Findings Regarding the Grenade Attack.
Although the FBI investigation of the grenade attack at the 1997 political rally was never completed, in part because of the obstruction and threats imposed by Cambodian Government officials, the official reports issued by the FBI team, many of which were submitted to the U.S. Congress, suggest heavy involvement in the attacks and in resulting U.S. crimes related to the cover-up efforts by Hun Sen and his direct subordinates. For example, it was widely reported in the local media, and corroborated in the FBI report, that members of Hun Sen's personal bodyguard unit, subject to his direct control and supervision, played a major role in the grenade attack, and may well have planned and organized them. Several witnesses confirmed that a large number of the members of Hun Sen's Bodyguard Unit (2nd Battalion, 17th Regiment) were stationed at the rally, which was a highly unusual practice for political demonstrations of this type since Hun Sen himself was not present, and that members of this military unit protected the perpetrators and facilitated their escape by preventing participants at the rally, and those responsible for protecting the speakers from chasing and capturing the grenade throwers as they fled the scene. The Phnom Penh Post, for example, in a front page story headlined "Grenade Suspects Unmasked" published in their May 30-June 12 edition reported that "Witnesses have said that at least two of the grenade throwers fled past ... part of the bodyguard detail of [then] Second Prime Minister Hun Sen in the park at the time of the attack ... who prevented other people from chasing them." The same article indicates that one of Sam Rainsy's personal bodyguards was reported to have told journalists that Hun Sen's bodyguard detail "prevented him from chasing the grenade throwers." A similar report appeared in the Cambodia Daily of April 2, 1997 in an article headlined "Witness Accuses Troops of Assisting Attackers." It quotes a motorbike driver who witnessed the attacks as saying that he "saw soldiers preventing protesters from pursuing the attackers."

The official FBI report of the grenade incident makes similar allegations, confirming the likely involvement in the attacks by Hun Sen's bodyguard unit. The FBI report of November 24, 1998, issued to the public by a Staff Report of the U.S. Senate Committee on Foreign Relations dated October, 1999 (Senate Report 106-32, 106th Congress, 1st Session) was cited as the basis for conclusions by the Senate Foreign Relations Committee staff in submitting the FBI report to the Chair and Ranking Minority Member of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee that:

Members of Hun Sen's Bodyguard Force participated in the planning and execution of the March 30, 1997 attack;
Hun Sen, being only one of two people with authority over the Bodyguard Force [the other being General Huy Pised, Commander of the Unit] must have known and approved of the attack; and,
By June, 1997, the U.S. Government was in possession of overwhelming evidence of conclusions number 1 and number 2 ....

Similar conclusions are outlined in a letter from the FBI to Senator Jesse Helms, then Chair of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, dated February 19, 1999 (page 21, et seq in the Appendix attached to the Committee's Report).

These findings relating to the involvement of Hun Sen and his subordinates in the grenade attacks are significant and are highly relevant to the subsequent cover-up efforts, because they indicate that Cambodian government officials at the highest level under Hun Sen's supervision had a strong motivation for preventing the true facts concerning the attacks from coming out, for covering up the crimes, and for preventing the FBI from doing its investigative work on an effective and thorough basis, in violation of U.S. criminal laws as detailed in this Complaint.

III. The Misrepresentations and Threats Made to the FBI Investigative Team, and the Obstruction of Their Investigative Efforts, Violate U.S. Criminal Laws. As the recent prosecution and trial of Former Governor of Illinois Rod Blagojavich recently demonstrated, lies and misrepresentations made to federal investigators during the course of their official investigations, and efforts to obstruct their investigative efforts, may in and of themselves constitute separate and additional violations of federal criminal law, apart from the original crimes that may have been committed that were being investigated by federal authorities, and that were unlawfully made subject to cover-up efforts. Section 1001 of Title 18 of the United States Code makes it a separate and additional crime to make any "false, fictitious, or fraudulent statement" to a federal investigator, such as an FBI agent. Chapter 73 of Title 18 of the United States Code makes it a federal crime to attempt to obstruct proceedings or investigations of U.S. agencies (Section 1505), and specifically to obstruct criminal investigations of the type being carried out by the FBI in Cambodia (Section 1510). In addition, there is evidence that threats were made to the personal security and safety of at least one of the FBI agents participating in the investigation, constituting a violation of 18 U.S.C. Sections 115(a)(1)(B) and (b)(4), making it a federal crime subject to ten years imprisonment to threaten a Federal law enforcement officer "with intent to impede, intimidate or interfere with such official" in connection with the performance of their duties.

In addition to the provisions of federal criminal law that we have cited dealing with: 1. false statements and misrepresentations made to the FBI investigation team; 2. obstruction of the federal investigation; and, 3. threats made to federal officials, there may well be other violations of U.S. criminal laws implicated by efforts of Cambodian authorities under the control of Hun Sen to undermine and interfere with the FBI investigation of the 1997 grenade attacks. We encourage the U.S. law enforcement agencies where this Complaint/Petition is being submitted to carefully consider the applicability of all relevant federal criminal laws, including those that we have specifically noted.

There is ample evidence, including information provided in the FBI's own report of their investigation, that officials of the Cambodian Government under the direct supervision and control of Hun Sen participated in these violations of federal criminal laws, or, as in the case of Hun Sen, caused or aided and abetted in these violations. Set out below are examples of some of the findings that have been made that support the points made in this Petition/Complaint that violations of federal criminal laws occurred in the course of the obstruction of the FBI investigation.

1. Chhin Savon, the on-the-scene Police Commander who was responsible for the safety of the demonstrators at the March 30, 1997 political rally, is cited as not being cooperative with the FBI investigation, and deliberately withholding key witnesses from FBI investigators.

2. Colonel Mok Chito, Commander of the Phnom Penh Municipal Police force, and reportedly a relative of Hun Sen, is shown in videos made available by Reuters and other news media as being at the scene of the attacks almost immediately after the explosions. He was not made available for interviews by the FBI, on the orders of Chhin Savon, who claimed he was "not available."

3. Huy Pised, the Commanding General of the Hun Sen Bodyguard unit is cited along with Chhin Savon as being "uncooperative" with the FBI investigation.

4. One of the alleged perpetrators of the attack, named "Brazil," who was identified from FBI sketch artist drawings, was in the custody of General Nhiek Bun Chhay, a Cambodian government official, but somehow "escaped" when the FBI asked that he be made available for an interview, and no information was made available to the FBI concerning the circumstances of his escape. He may have ended up in the hands of the Hun Sen forces who took control of the military headquarters where Brazil was being held during the coup d'etat in July, 1997. As a result, Brazil was never made available for interview by the FBI despite numerous requests.

5. According to a May, 1997 report by a Cambodian police official providing information to the FBI, several eyewitnesses claimed that only hours after the attack "two men who looked like suspects" identified in the FBI sketch artists report "were seen boarding a helicopter in the company of Him Bun Heang, the Deputy of General Huy Pised, Commanding General of the Hun Sen Bodyguard unit, and another Cambodian official. Commander Teng Savong denied this allegation.

6. One of the FBI investigators is reported to have said that "Those men who threw the grenades are not ordinary people, they are Hun Sen's soldiers," and to have substantiated this statement by pointing out that the grenade throwers "escaped into the nearby [Hun Sen military] compound, abetted by guards who opened the gates for them and who then denied seeing anything."

7. FBI investigators confirmed that General Pised and his subordinates "lied to us" when they reported that there were only 15 members of the Hun Sen bodyguard unit on duty at the scene of the political demonstration and grenade attacks, when in fact there were "up to 40" members of the unit on site. These bodyguard unit members also lied to FBI investigators when they claimed "that they did not see any perpetrator of the grenade attack cross their line," and that they saw nothing.

8. Personal threats are reported to have been made to U.S. Embassy officials against FBI investigator Thomas Nicoletti with the intention of intimidating and influencing his and the FBI's investigative efforts.

It is our understanding that no statute of limitations period applies to Title 18 Section 1001, Title 18 Chapter 75, and Title 18 Section 115 violations, as no time limit is mentioned in any of these provisions, despite the fact that the violations occurred in connection with federal investigations that took place in 1997. Moreover, even if a time limitation applied, there is evidence that the cover-up efforts kept information about these crimes from being made public until recently, thereby tolling any time limits that may be applicable.

IV. Why These Violations of Federal Law Require Attention Despite the Passage of Time Since the Crimes Were Committed. The Petitioner/Complainants are very well aware that the criminal acts that serve as the basis for this Complaint were committed some time ago. They also are aware that since the actions of officials of a foreign government are involved, sensitive political and foreign policy issues are raised by this Complaint that might counsel for caution or inaction on the part of the U.S. government in deciding whether investigation and prosecution of the federal crimes is justified. Nevertheless, there are important reasons, despite the passage of time and potential foreign policy impacts, why Hun Sen and his subordinates should be held accountable under U.S. law for their actions in interfering with the FBI investigation of the attack on a political rally in Cambodia in 1997 that resulted in injuries to a U.S. citizen, and death and injuries to so many Cambodians.

No one that directly interferes with a U.S. criminal investigation should be treated with impunity because they are foreign citizens, or committed their violations of U.S. law in foreign nations. The integrity of our criminal justice system and the rule of law demands that justice be done, even if the criminal violations took place some time ago. As important, recent developments in Cambodia suggest that Hun Sen and his subordinates are continuing their efforts to escape justice and avoid the reach of the law in many new ways that demand attention. If they can avoid responsibility for past acts, they are emboldened to commit further abuses, and that seems to be the pattern that is developing.

Recent reports indicate that Hun Sen's government is seeking to interfere with and undermine the investigations and prosecutions that are being undertaken by the Special International Criminal Tribunal (officially referred to as the Extraordinary Chambers) for Cambodia that was established under joint United Nations and Cambodian auspices to deal with war crimes and crimes against humanity that took place during the Khmer Rouge regime from 1975 to 1979, when more than 1.7 million Cambodians were subjected to genocide for political reasons. Notably, Hun Sen was a member of the Khmer Rouge military during that period. Though the International Tribunal was established in 2003, there have been few prosecutions and convictions, largely attributed to "interference by the Cambodian government." The Phnom Penh Post reported on September 13, 2010 that the Cambodian judges on the Tribunal, who are appointed and controlled by the Hun Sen regime, have refused to allow fair investigations to take place, and a number of high level government officials have refused to honor subpoenas to testify, "reinforcing serious concerns about interference" with the Court from the Hun Sen government. "The big question is ... whether the court will be able to deliver a fair trial according to international standards, or whether we're going to have a trial in the usual Cambodian tradition where the government decides the outcome," according to one of the lawyers at the Tribunal. This sounds very reminiscent of how the Hun Sen government handled, and interfered with, the FBI investigation of the 1997 grenade attack. News reports just were issued on September 16, 2010, that four additional high-level leaders of the Khmer Rouge genocide had been indicted by the Tribunal. They were accompanied by continuing concerns being voiced about "political interference" and a "lack of cooperation" by Hun Sen's government, based on the reality that many former Khmer Rouge officials hold senior positions in the current administration." (Reuters article "UN Backed Tribunal Indicts 4 Khmer Rouge Leaders," Sept. 16, 2010)

The Hun Sen government also is associated with a number of recent repressive policies and actions aimed at limiting and punishing political opposition. The National Public Radio program "The World" aired a report on August 10, 2010 indicating that the Hun Sen government was in the process of adopting a new law, the Non-Government Organization Law, that would effectively prevent private groups from engaging in opposition political activities, allow the government to disband and prosecute groups that disagreed with government policies without any due process standards, and authorize the imprisonment of NGO leaders. "The concern," according to The World correspondent Mary Kay Magistan, "is that ... the squeeze on civil society is only getting worse and the proposed NGO law will give the government yet another way to silence voices and challenges it would prefer not to hear. Magistan suggests that the new policy is reminiscent of when Hun Sen first was installed as Prime Minister, when "no opposition parties, no democratic elections" and no non-governmental activities were permitted by the government.

Amnesty International has issued a special report on Cambodia human rights non-compliance concerns to the 15th Session of the United Nations Human Rights Council indicating that the problem of "impunity" -- the failure of the Cambodian government to secure justice in instances of major human rights abuses -- has been on ongoing issue that is not being addressed. Their report notes many cases where, "Those responsible for the homicide of several civil society figures have still not been identified and brought to justice." (Amnesty 2010 Report, page 7) This includes many current cases, including that of trade unionist Chea Vichea, shot dead in 2004, trade unionist Hy Vuthy, killed in February 2007, and journalist Khim Sambor, murdered with his son in 2008, along with eight other journalists working for opposition media. Similar concerns are voiced in a special report of the United Nations Special Rapporteur on Human Rights in Cambodia, Professor Surya Subedi, noting "various shortcomings in the criminal justice system" producing "numerous ... instances of miscarriage of justice," ... and many "constraints on the judiciary's ability to act" on an independent basis. Human Rights Watch Asia Director, Brad Adams, also recently noted the Cambodian government's "relentless crackdown on critics" and on opposition political figures. (January 28, 2010 Human Rights Watch Statement)

Under these increasingly repressive circumstances, where impunity has become an ongoing and commonplace policy of the Hun Sen government to prevent the proper administration of justice, the investigation by the U.S. of Hun Sen's interference with the FBI probe in 1997 will be an important reminder that the rule of law, and accountability for violations of U.S. criminal sanctions, can not be ignored.

V. Action and Relief Requested. In view of the likelihood of the wide range of federal criminal law violations that have been identified and described above, Complainant/Petitioners hereby respectfully request that the appropriate U.S. law enforcement agencies, including the Federal Bureau of Investigation, the U.S. Department of Justice Criminal Division, and the U.S. Attorney for the Southern District of New York (where Hun Sen and his subordinates will be physically located on and around September 24, 2010 during his visit to the United Nations General Assembly Session):

1. Promptly and fully investigate the violations of federal U.S. law that have been alleged related to misrepresentations made to the FBI team investigating the 1997 grenade attack in Cambodia, and to the attempts that were made to obstruct their investigations.

2. Identify and seek the criminal accountability of those responsible for violations of U.S. criminal laws, including Hun Sen to the extent that any head of state immunity claim that he may make is not applicable. It should be noted that the grenade attack on the general population that is involved, resulting in mass murders, may well constitute "crimes against humanity" under the definition provided in Section 7 of the International Criminal Court Statute as a "widespread ... attack directed against any civilian population" that result in murder or persecution based on political grounds. As such, head of state immunity claims would not be available under Article 27 of the Statute, and time limits on prosecutions would not apply.

3. Issue a comprehensive public report on the findings made by the FBI team investigating the 1997 grenade attack, and the findings resulting from the current investigation of the unlawful cover-up efforts that have been requested in this Petition and Complaint.

Respectfully submitted this 21st day of September, 2010 by:

__________________________
Morton Sklar
Founding Executive Director Emeritus (retired)
World Organization for Human Rights USA

On behalf of the Sam Rainsy Party (the largest political opposition party in Cambodia) and the other named Complainants.

General Contact Information:
Email: mshumanrights@verizon.net
Tele: (1) (301) 946-4649
Contact information for the individual complainants can be provided on request to government prosecutors, and has been withheld in this submission for security reasons.

Note: This Complaint and Petition is filed by Mr. Sklar as Attorney of Record in his personal capacity, and is not an official submission or action of Human Rights USA.

Labels: Chhin Savon, Him Bun Heang, Huy Pised, MARCH 30 1997, Mok Chito, Sam Rainsy, Sam Rainsy Party

» Read more!

Thursday, September 23, 2010

TODAY’S VERDICT FROM A KANGAROO COURT

On a purely technical and truly legal ground, the charges levied against me by the Cambodian government are totally baseless.

Swiss independent map expert Régis Caloz, a professor at the prestigious Ecole Polytechnique Fédérale de Lausanne who had been consulted on the issue, wrote on March 23, 2010 a detailed technical report showing that I have not “produced” or “falsified” any map and that the conclusions I have reached on the issue of Cambodian farmers losing their lands because of border encroachment, are correct. Professor Caloz’s report has been acknowledged by the Geneva-based Inter-Parliamentary Union and its Committee on the Human Rights of Parliamentarians, and is available to everybody.

Therefore, the charges against me are of a strictly political nature. Only a Kangaroo court can issue the type of verdict we saw today. Everybody, from independent human rights organizations to the UN Special Rapporteur on the Human Rights situation in Cambodia, rightly says that the judiciary in this country is everything but independent, being only a political tool for the authoritarian ruling party to silence any critical voices.

Today’s verdict actually reflects the Vietnamese government’s anger against, and worry about, me because I dared, as a Cambodian member of parliament, defend Cambodian farmers, who are my constituents, against continuous border encroachments by Vietnam.

Following a border incident on October 25, 2009 when I uprooted a fake border post illegally planted on a rice field belonging to a Cambodian farmer in Svay Rieng province, there had been no reaction whatsoever from any Cambodian official or authority. The first public reaction actually came ten days later, on November 4, from Vietnam’s prime minister in person, Mr. Nguyen Tan Dung who officially recommended from Hanoi that the Phnom Penh government punish me.

Today’s verdict is the reflection and the result of that recommendation from a foreign country.

Sam Rainsy
Member of Parliament
(Currently travelling from London to Paris)

Labels: Border, Régis Caloz, Sam Rainsy, Sam Rainsy Party

» Read more!

Exiled Cambodian Leader Sentenced to 10 Years in Jail

By Robert Carmichael | Phnom Penh (VOANEWS.COM)

The leader of Cambodia's main opposition party, Sam Rainsy, was sentenced to prison in a dispute about the border with neighboring Vietnam. But his supporters claim the case is politically motivated.

The municipal court in Phnom Penh on Thursday handed down a 10-year prison sentence to Rainsy because he displayed a map that had a different border between Cambodia and Vietnam than the one the government uses. During his trial earlier this month, the government's lawyer told the court that Sam Rainsy's action amounted to disinformation and falsifying of public documents.

The judges agreed, and handed down the prison term and a $16,000 fine. They also issued an arrest warrant for Sam Rainsy, who lives in exile in France.

The opposition leader had no chance for a fair trial, says his party's spokesman Yim Sovann, because the courts answer to the ruling party.

"Based on the verdict, not only one verdict, but the previous one, to my understanding and to the understanding of the people of Cambodia and the international community, this court is not independent," he said. "This court is used as a political tool to muzzle the opposition party."

The dispute dates back a year when Sam Rainsy and two villagers removed wooden posts marking the border between Cambodia and Vietnam. He received a two-year jail term for that and the villagers were each jailed for a year.

The two nations are in the middle of a six-year exercise to map their 1,270-kilometer border. Sam Rainsy has said Cambodia is losing land to Vietnam in the process.

The issue is a sensitive one for the government. Prime Minister Hun Sen maintains close relations with Vietnam, although many Cambodians are distrustful of their neighbor. In addition, Cambodia is involved in a tense border dispute with Thailand, which at times has turned violent.

Spokesman Yim Sovann says the government is growing less tolerant because it fears the opposition as the country heads toward the 2013 general election. He calls Thursday's verdict a "step backward for democracy" and he is calling for international help to prevent what he terms a slide toward authoritarianism.

"The international community has spent a lot of money to build democracy in Cambodia, to promote human rights, to help to build the rule of law," says Yim Sovann. "So if the leader of the biggest opposition party is in exile or facing jail term of more than 10 years, we can not say that Cambodia is democratic."

Mr. Hun Sen's government has long been accused of using lawsuits to silence critics. This month, the United Nations special rapporteur on human rights in Cambodia, Surya Subedi, issued a report saying the courts are corrupt and often beholden to the ruling party. Among other things, he recommended that public figures become more tolerant of criticism and stop using the courts against their critics.

Labels: hun sen, Prime Minister Hun Sen, Sam Rainsy, Sam Rainsy Party

» Read more!

Monday, June 28, 2010

Spectacular Sold-Out Premiere of Anti-Child Trafficking Film in NYC

Source: Jim Luce - huffingtonpost.com

Cambodian Parliament Member Mu Sochua received a standing ovation from the sold-out, standing room-only crowd at the red carpet world premier of REDLIGHT last week. Produced and narrated by UNICEF Goodwill Ambassador Lucy Liu, the film left many stunned and some in tears. It is that wrenching.

"I am not a victim in Cambodia, but a survivor of Cambodia!," Sochua told the guests present. "In the darkest recess of human trafficking, there is hope!" The film featured the work of both Sochua and Somaly Mam, forming a narrative of the children they have helped out of the pits of exploitation - such as Reena and Sokha.

Daughter Malika with the human rights activist, politician and mother Mu Sochua.

Deftly blending horror and compassion, hope and futility, REDLIGHT is the second film in a trilogy that is changing the dynamics of child trafficking globally. Filmmaker Guy Jacobson has mastered the emotional edge of sexual slavery and manages to bring it to us in our sterile lives so that we get it - and want to stop it. The photography of the film is superb, with the breathtaking beauty of Cambodia juxtaposed with the squalid conditions of the children forced into the country's unspeakable brothels.

Rarely does a film have such in-depth access to the characters it follows. REDLIGHT weaves together the touching stories of its subjects into an inspirational journey for the audience. It is a true accomplishment in filmmaking.

The narration by Lucy Liu is familiar enough so that we are able to handle the unfamiliar. The quality and sensitivity of the film assures that its message will resound with audiences around the world as it is sure to win awards from Cannes to Sundance. If you chose to see only one documentary this year, make sure it is REDLIGHT.

More amazing than the film is the dangers Guy Jacobson overcame to film it in the shadow of the mafia, for whom human life holds no sanctity. He continues to risk his life daily fighting to expose and sabotage organized crime's most lucrative business.

Guy Jacobson, along with Lucy Liu, Mu Sochua, Somaly Mam, and child slavery expert Kevin Bales, are leading advocates to end child trafficking.

After the film, Sochua told the many gathered, "The movie was so real I could smell the brothel and feel the T.B. in the hospital. My Cambodia is this film." Sochua is a politician and a human rights activist. "I am a member of the Cambodian parliament - a member of the Opposition - who has been stripped of my immunity," she told the hushed audience. She represents the Sam Rainsy Party.

Guy Jacobson spoke after the film with Mu Sochua, UNICEF Global Chief of Child Protection Dr. Susan Bissell, and Israeli actress Adi Ezroni.

Sochua has refused to pay a frivolous fine imposed on her by the corrupt court there for 'defaming' the Prime Minister because she sued him for calling her a whore. "When I go back, I might be put in jail."

"My goal is to be re-elected and continue the fight for justice," she told us. "Justice! Hope!," she reminded us. "Justice is my own pursuit," Sochua said.

Guy Jacobson is a passionate filmmaker who understand child trafficking - and exposes it.

As I wrote last week, not often does a filmmaker present both an untenable social problem - and its solution. Guy Jacobson has done that. As filmmaker, former banker and lawyer, Guy's past and present reflected much of the audience comprised from the top ranks of the arts, finance and law. LexisNexis is the film's major corporate sponsor.

LexisNexis' involvement made a deep impression on many of the film viewers. "LexisNexis is to be commended for their support. It is wonderful that they have put their resources behind such an important problem," Dr. Lucie Lapovsky stated. Roberta Cooper of Vital Voices Global Partnership added, "It is critical that corporations take a role in this international problem, as has LexisNexis, among others in the travel and business community. Their important work should be publicized and praised widely."

Mu Sochua is empathetic to the stories these girls, one a victim and the other her big sister.

The brilliant film REDLIGHT is shown from the perspective of two Cambodian women opposed to childhood sexual slavery. One, Sochua, and the other Somaly Mam, a woman who escaped the brothels to dedicate her life to freeing others. Child trafficking expert Kevin Bales, author of Ending Slavery and President of Free the Slaves, is also interviewed in the film. See the film's trailer on Vimeo.

Filmmaker Guy Jacobson and his team have made a gut-wrenching plea to end child trafficking.

The deeply moving film points out that staggering statistic that 2.5 million children aged 18 months to 18 years are exploited for their young bodies each year. They can be raped 20 - 30 times a day, and up to half of them will die from shock, torture, drugs, and/or AIDS. But these numbers are difficult to grasp. The film also shows you a few real children and tells their tales. That anyone can get.

I interviewed many audience members after the Premiere. Dr. Lucie Lapovsky of Lapovsky Consulting told me:

Child trafficking is a complicated issue and I certainly do not have the solution. Clearly, traffickers should be prosecuted and not granted any leniency. Certainly, the film left me with the feeling that the economic problems in Cambodia exacerbate the situation.

The brothels should be outlawed or there should at least be aggressive enforcement to make sure that there are not children involved. Parents should be educated about what can happen to their children when they sell them.

I hope we can all be helpful in eradicating this terrible problem of child sex trafficking and can help make Cambodia a truly democratic country.

A red carpet premiere in NYC is a million miles away from children forced into sex - or is it?

Roberta Cooper, Co-chair of the Vital Voices Connecticut Council, attended the Premiere and told me afterwards:

The 'solution' lies in a multi-pronged, coordinated effort that includes the police and the judiciary and the press. There should be consequences for the patrons of the trafficked women and girls. One area that the film did not focus on is girls and women who are transported to other countries, including the United States. We need international sanctions and severe consequences for the perpetrators as well as assistance for the victims. United Nations initiatives are important as well.

I did see guy's other film Holly. I thought both films were excellent, but REDLIGHT affected me more. It had the narrative elements of Holly but was a documentary.

Particularly important is Sochua's work -- and also that of Somaly Mam -- to give the victims a place in their communities, counseling, and training in work through which they can become economically self-sufficient. It is very difficult for the rescued girls to overcome the stigmas placed on them by their own culture.

REDLIGHT is the second in Guy's trilogy, known as the K11 Project. Holly was the first in 2007, the story of a 12-year old prostitute who captures the jaded heart of a foreigner living in Cambodia who in turn goes out of his way to rescue her from the criminal element that controls her. Holly premiered at the United Nations, with honorary committee members including Susan Sarandon and Hillary Clinton.

The main theater was completely full, and another audience watched from the adjacent theater.

The REDLIGHT Children Campaign originally aimed at pressuring governments to enact or amend legislation to address this issue more effectively and allocate more resources towards enforcement of laws. This has proven to be difficult. Now, in addition to the original strategy, Guy wants to make it more difficult and costly for perpetrators to sexually abuse children. REDLIGHT Children has partnered with its sponsor LexisNexis to create both an international case law database for trafficking, and a trafficking offenders' database to assist lawmakers and prosecutors.

"REDLIGHT" director Guy Jacobson with me and John Lee at the premiere in New York City.

Following this superb film I know I cannot answer one question: Why has the United States and Somalia not signed the United Nations Convention of the Rights of Children (CRC)? As founder of Orphans International Worldwide (OIWW), I demand that our own nation takes responsibility for the lives of the children whose innocence, safety - and often lives - have been so terribly compromised. Mr. President, we owe this to these defenseless children.

For further issues, facts and the rule of law, see LexisNexis website. All photos by Arthur Eisenberg (Arthur@nycArthur.com).

Labels: Human Traffic, Mu Sochua, Prime Minister Hun Sen, Sam Rainsy Party

» Read more!

Article Titles

» Australia joins UN condemnation of Cambodia but re...
» ICC widens remit to include environmental destruct...
» Cambodia Goes After Opposition Well in Advance of ...
» The Most Powerful American In Cambodia: The Unlike...
» “WE DON’T CARE, WE’RE STILL IN POWER.”
» Kem Ley’s murder puts Cambodia politics, economy a...
» Hun Sen Bodyguards Had Hand in Beating of Oppositi...
» Cambodia - Fractured politics and a culture of mon...
» Cambodia PM starts to 'like' Facebook as opponents...
» How Cambodian nationalism is driving border disput...

• October 1997
• January 2005
• February 2005
• March 2005
• April 2005
• May 2005
• June 2005
• July 2005
• August 2005
• September 2005
• October 2005
• November 2005
• January 2006
• February 2006
• March 2006
• April 2006
• May 2006
• June 2006
• July 2006
• August 2006
• September 2006
• October 2006
• November 2006
• December 2006
• January 2007
• February 2007
• March 2007
• April 2007
• May 2007
• June 2007
• July 2007
• August 2007
• September 2007
• October 2007
• November 2007
• December 2007
• January 2008
• February 2008
• March 2008
• April 2008
• May 2008
• June 2008
• July 2008
• August 2008
• September 2008
• October 2008
• November 2008
• December 2008
• January 2009
• February 2009
• March 2009
• April 2009
• May 2009
• June 2009
• September 2009
• October 2009
• November 2009
• December 2009
• January 2010
• February 2010
• March 2010
• April 2010
• May 2010
• June 2010
• July 2010
• August 2010
• September 2010
• October 2010
• November 2010
• January 2011
• February 2011
• March 2011
• April 2011
• May 2011
• June 2011
• July 2011
• August 2011
• September 2011
• October 2011
• November 2011
• December 2011
• July 2012
• August 2012
• September 2012
• October 2012
• November 2012
• November 2013
• December 2013
• January 2014
• March 2014
• April 2014
• May 2014
• July 2014
• September 2014
• January 2015
• February 2015
• September 2015
• October 2015
• August 2016
• September 2016
• March 2018

Subscribe to
Posts [Atom]