Editorial | Articles about Cambodia | Khmer

Thursday, September 30, 2010

Rainsy clarifies litigation against Hun Sen in US

Thursday, 30 September 2010
Sam Rainsy
Letter to The Phnom Penh Post

Dear Editor,

I would like to bring a two-point clarification to your article titled “Rainsy files lawsuit in US court” published in The Phnom Penh Post on September 27, 2010.

First, I did not initiate a lawsuit but filed a criminal complaint with United States government prosecutors.

Second, attorney Morton Sklar who officially submitted the complaint with me and on my behalf, along with other victims of the 1997 grenade attack in Phnom Penh, was the founding executive director emeritus of World Organisation for Human Rights USA, but he has retired from that organisation. Mr Sklar acted as attorney of record in his personal capacity as indicated on the first and last pages of the September 23, 2010 Complaint and Petition.

Thank you for publishing this clarification.

Sam Rainsy
Member of Parliament

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Friday, September 24, 2010

Complaint and Petition Requesting Criminal Investigation and Prosecution of Hun Sen, Prime Minister of Cambodia


SEPTEMBER 23, 2010

COMPLAINT AND PETITION REQUESTING
CRIMINAL INVESTIGATION AND PROSECUTION
OF HUN SEN, PRIME MINISTER OF CAMBODIA
SUBMITTED TO THE ATTORNEY GENERAL OF THE U.S.,
THE CRIMINAL DIVISION OF THE U.S DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE, THE U.S. ATTORNEY FOR THE SOUTHERN DISTRICT
OF NEW YORK, AND FEDERAL BUREAU OF INVESTIGATION

CONCERNING FALSE AND FRAUDULENT STATEMENTS, AND MISREPRESENTATIONS AND THREATS MADE TO OFFICERS OF THE FEDERAL BUREAU OF INVESTIGATION DURING THE COURSE OF AN OFFICIAL CRIMINAL INVESTIGATION, IN VIOLATION OF 18 U.S.C. SECTION 1001 and SECTION 115(a)(1) (B) and (b)(4), AND CONSTITUTING OBSTRUCTION OF JUSTICE IN VIOLATION OF 18 U.S.C. SECTION 1501, et seq.


Submitted by Morton Sklar
Founding Executive Director Emeritus (retired)
World Organization for Human Rights USA
with, and on behalf of,
the Sam Rainsy Party of Cambodia
(the largest political opposition group)
and the following named Complainants:
Sam Rainsy, Ly Neary,
Lay Chan Thou, and Nguon Huon Heun
and U.S. citizen Ron Abney

Contact Information: Email: mshumanrights@verizon.net
Telephone: (1) (301) 946-4649


COMPLAINT AND REQUEST FOR CRIMINAL
INVESTIGATION AND PROSECUTION
OF HUN SEN, PRIME MINISTER OF CAMBODIA
AND NAMED SUBORDINATE OFFICIALS


I. Overview:
On March 30, 1997, a vicious grenade attack was carried out against a peaceful political rally taking place across from the Parliament building in Phnom Penh, Cambodia. According to a U.S. Federal Bureau of Investigation inquiry on the attack, Prime Minister Hun Sen's Personal Bodyguard military unit may well have been responsible for planning and organizing the attack, and for obstructing the capture of the grenade throwers. A team of FBI investigators was sent by the U.S. Government to compile information and evidence concerning the attack because at least one U.S. citizen was injured by the explosion of the grenades, meaning that U.S. criminal law had been violated. The FBI investigations produced a great deal of information and evidence implicating Hun Sen and his personal military unit as likely perpetrators of these violations of U.S. criminal laws, much of which was presented in testimony and submissions made to the U.S. Congress. But a full FBI investigation was not allowed to be completed because threats were made against the FBI investigators, and false and misleading statements and misrepresentations were made. These actions by Hun Sen and his subordinate officials constituted an attempt to cover-up and prevent prosecution of federal crimes, in violation of provisions of U.S. law that prohibit lying to federal officials engaged during the course of an official investigation (18 U.S.C. Section 1001), obstruction of justice (18 U.S.C. Chapter 73, including Sections 1505 and 1510), and the making of threats against federal officials (18 U.S.C. Sections 115(a)(1) B and (b)(4). This Petition and Complaint seeks a full criminal investigation and prosecution of these attempts to improperly and unlawfully cover-up and prevent the FBI's investigation of the crimes associated with the grenade attack in 1997. It is submitted in conjunction with the visit to the United Nations General Assembly by Prime Minister Hun Sen, in order to make clear his direct involvement in both the original grenade attack itself, and in the efforts by his subordinates to cover up the crimes.

The United States has jurisdiction to investigate and prosecute these cover-up efforts despite the fact that the original assaults took place in Cambodia, because they constitute direct violations of U.S. laws involving the investigative work of the team of FBI agents sent to examine U.S. crimes that were perpetrated against at least one U.S. citizen, Ron Abney of the International Republican Institute, who was injured in the grenade attack. Prime Minister Hun Sen may seek to claim "head of state immunity" for his alleged involvement in the grenade attacks and the cover-up efforts. But his subordinates who were and are subject to his control and supervision, and who are heavily implicated in the grenade attack and the resulting cover-up, should be prosecuted to the full extent of U.S. law. Though we recognize that Hun Sen himself may be immune from criminal process and prosecution during the course of his visit to the United Nations General Assembly Session starting on September 23, 2010, it is important that his involvement in the U.S. crimes that have been described is recognized, and that his subordinates who participated in these crimes are held fully accountable.

Each of the Complainants filing this Petition and named on the Cover Page were adversely affected by the federal crimes described herein. The Sam Rainsy Party, then known by a different name, was the organizer of the political rally that was subjected to grenade attack on March 30, 1997. Sam Rainsy, the leader of that party was the main target of the grenade attack. Each of the other named Complainants are individuals who themselves, or through close family members, were directly affected by the grenade attacks, and by the cover-up effort that prevented the perpetrators of the attacks from being identified, prosecuted and brought to justice. This includes U.S. citizen Ron Abney, who was present in Cambodia at the time of the grenade attack as a representative of the International Republican Institute, and whose injuries during the attack served as the jurisdictional basis for the FBI investigation.

Among the individuals named in this Complaint has having directly participated in the criminal activities as described and explained herein are Hun Sen, present Prime Minister of Cambodia, General Huy Pised, General Hing Bun Heang, Chinn Savon, and Mok Chito. Others may be identified as being involved in the described obstruction of justice as a result of the investigation that we are requesting take place.

II. The FBI Investigation and Findings Regarding the Grenade Attack.
Although the FBI investigation of the grenade attack at the 1997 political rally was never completed, in part because of the obstruction and threats imposed by Cambodian Government officials, the official reports issued by the FBI team, many of which were submitted to the U.S. Congress, suggest heavy involvement in the attacks and in resulting U.S. crimes related to the cover-up efforts by Hun Sen and his direct subordinates. For example, it was widely reported in the local media, and corroborated in the FBI report, that members of Hun Sen's personal bodyguard unit, subject to his direct control and supervision, played a major role in the grenade attack, and may well have planned and organized them. Several witnesses confirmed that a large number of the members of Hun Sen's Bodyguard Unit (2nd Battalion, 17th Regiment) were stationed at the rally, which was a highly unusual practice for political demonstrations of this type since Hun Sen himself was not present, and that members of this military unit protected the perpetrators and facilitated their escape by preventing participants at the rally, and those responsible for protecting the speakers from chasing and capturing the grenade throwers as they fled the scene. The Phnom Penh Post, for example, in a front page story headlined "Grenade Suspects Unmasked" published in their May 30-June 12 edition reported that "Witnesses have said that at least two of the grenade throwers fled past ... part of the bodyguard detail of [then] Second Prime Minister Hun Sen in the park at the time of the attack ... who prevented other people from chasing them." The same article indicates that one of Sam Rainsy's personal bodyguards was reported to have told journalists that Hun Sen's bodyguard detail "prevented him from chasing the grenade throwers." A similar report appeared in the Cambodia Daily of April 2, 1997 in an article headlined "Witness Accuses Troops of Assisting Attackers." It quotes a motorbike driver who witnessed the attacks as saying that he "saw soldiers preventing protesters from pursuing the attackers."

The official FBI report of the grenade incident makes similar allegations, confirming the likely involvement in the attacks by Hun Sen's bodyguard unit. The FBI report of November 24, 1998, issued to the public by a Staff Report of the U.S. Senate Committee on Foreign Relations dated October, 1999 (Senate Report 106-32, 106th Congress, 1st Session) was cited as the basis for conclusions by the Senate Foreign Relations Committee staff in submitting the FBI report to the Chair and Ranking Minority Member of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee that:
  • Members of Hun Sen's Bodyguard Force participated in the planning and execution of the March 30, 1997 attack;
  • Hun Sen, being only one of two people with authority over the Bodyguard Force [the other being General Huy Pised, Commander of the Unit] must have known and approved of the attack; and,
  • By June, 1997, the U.S. Government was in possession of overwhelming evidence of conclusions number 1 and number 2 ....


Similar conclusions are outlined in a letter from the FBI to Senator Jesse Helms, then Chair of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, dated February 19, 1999 (page 21, et seq in the Appendix attached to the Committee's Report).

These findings relating to the involvement of Hun Sen and his subordinates in the grenade attacks are significant and are highly relevant to the subsequent cover-up efforts, because they indicate that Cambodian government officials at the highest level under Hun Sen's supervision had a strong motivation for preventing the true facts concerning the attacks from coming out, for covering up the crimes, and for preventing the FBI from doing its investigative work on an effective and thorough basis, in violation of U.S. criminal laws as detailed in this Complaint.

III. The Misrepresentations and Threats Made to the FBI Investigative Team, and the Obstruction of Their Investigative Efforts, Violate U.S. Criminal Laws. As the recent prosecution and trial of Former Governor of Illinois Rod Blagojavich recently demonstrated, lies and misrepresentations made to federal investigators during the course of their official investigations, and efforts to obstruct their investigative efforts, may in and of themselves constitute separate and additional violations of federal criminal law, apart from the original crimes that may have been committed that were being investigated by federal authorities, and that were unlawfully made subject to cover-up efforts. Section 1001 of Title 18 of the United States Code makes it a separate and additional crime to make any "false, fictitious, or fraudulent statement" to a federal investigator, such as an FBI agent. Chapter 73 of Title 18 of the United States Code makes it a federal crime to attempt to obstruct proceedings or investigations of U.S. agencies (Section 1505), and specifically to obstruct criminal investigations of the type being carried out by the FBI in Cambodia (Section 1510). In addition, there is evidence that threats were made to the personal security and safety of at least one of the FBI agents participating in the investigation, constituting a violation of 18 U.S.C. Sections 115(a)(1)(B) and (b)(4), making it a federal crime subject to ten years imprisonment to threaten a Federal law enforcement officer "with intent to impede, intimidate or interfere with such official" in connection with the performance of their duties.

In addition to the provisions of federal criminal law that we have cited dealing with: 1. false statements and misrepresentations made to the FBI investigation team; 2. obstruction of the federal investigation; and, 3. threats made to federal officials, there may well be other violations of U.S. criminal laws implicated by efforts of Cambodian authorities under the control of Hun Sen to undermine and interfere with the FBI investigation of the 1997 grenade attacks. We encourage the U.S. law enforcement agencies where this Complaint/Petition is being submitted to carefully consider the applicability of all relevant federal criminal laws, including those that we have specifically noted.

There is ample evidence, including information provided in the FBI's own report of their investigation, that officials of the Cambodian Government under the direct supervision and control of Hun Sen participated in these violations of federal criminal laws, or, as in the case of Hun Sen, caused or aided and abetted in these violations. Set out below are examples of some of the findings that have been made that support the points made in this Petition/Complaint that violations of federal criminal laws occurred in the course of the obstruction of the FBI investigation.

1. Chhin Savon, the on-the-scene Police Commander who was responsible for the safety of the demonstrators at the March 30, 1997 political rally, is cited as not being cooperative with the FBI investigation, and deliberately withholding key witnesses from FBI investigators.

2. Colonel Mok Chito, Commander of the Phnom Penh Municipal Police force, and reportedly a relative of Hun Sen, is shown in videos made available by Reuters and other news media as being at the scene of the attacks almost immediately after the explosions. He was not made available for interviews by the FBI, on the orders of Chhin Savon, who claimed he was "not available."

3. Huy Pised, the Commanding General of the Hun Sen Bodyguard unit is cited along with Chhin Savon as being "uncooperative" with the FBI investigation.

4. One of the alleged perpetrators of the attack, named "Brazil," who was identified from FBI sketch artist drawings, was in the custody of General Nhiek Bun Chhay, a Cambodian government official, but somehow "escaped" when the FBI asked that he be made available for an interview, and no information was made available to the FBI concerning the circumstances of his escape. He may have ended up in the hands of the Hun Sen forces who took control of the military headquarters where Brazil was being held during the coup d'etat in July, 1997. As a result, Brazil was never made available for interview by the FBI despite numerous requests.

5. According to a May, 1997 report by a Cambodian police official providing information to the FBI, several eyewitnesses claimed that only hours after the attack "two men who looked like suspects" identified in the FBI sketch artists report "were seen boarding a helicopter in the company of Him Bun Heang, the Deputy of General Huy Pised, Commanding General of the Hun Sen Bodyguard unit, and another Cambodian official. Commander Teng Savong denied this allegation.

6. One of the FBI investigators is reported to have said that "Those men who threw the grenades are not ordinary people, they are Hun Sen's soldiers," and to have substantiated this statement by pointing out that the grenade throwers "escaped into the nearby [Hun Sen military] compound, abetted by guards who opened the gates for them and who then denied seeing anything."

7. FBI investigators confirmed that General Pised and his subordinates "lied to us" when they reported that there were only 15 members of the Hun Sen bodyguard unit on duty at the scene of the political demonstration and grenade attacks, when in fact there were "up to 40" members of the unit on site. These bodyguard unit members also lied to FBI investigators when they claimed "that they did not see any perpetrator of the grenade attack cross their line," and that they saw nothing.

8. Personal threats are reported to have been made to U.S. Embassy officials against FBI investigator Thomas Nicoletti with the intention of intimidating and influencing his and the FBI's investigative efforts.

It is our understanding that no statute of limitations period applies to Title 18 Section 1001, Title 18 Chapter 75, and Title 18 Section 115 violations, as no time limit is mentioned in any of these provisions, despite the fact that the violations occurred in connection with federal investigations that took place in 1997. Moreover, even if a time limitation applied, there is evidence that the cover-up efforts kept information about these crimes from being made public until recently, thereby tolling any time limits that may be applicable.

IV. Why These Violations of Federal Law Require Attention Despite the Passage of Time Since the Crimes Were Committed. The Petitioner/Complainants are very well aware that the criminal acts that serve as the basis for this Complaint were committed some time ago. They also are aware that since the actions of officials of a foreign government are involved, sensitive political and foreign policy issues are raised by this Complaint that might counsel for caution or inaction on the part of the U.S. government in deciding whether investigation and prosecution of the federal crimes is justified. Nevertheless, there are important reasons, despite the passage of time and potential foreign policy impacts, why Hun Sen and his subordinates should be held accountable under U.S. law for their actions in interfering with the FBI investigation of the attack on a political rally in Cambodia in 1997 that resulted in injuries to a U.S. citizen, and death and injuries to so many Cambodians.

No one that directly interferes with a U.S. criminal investigation should be treated with impunity because they are foreign citizens, or committed their violations of U.S. law in foreign nations. The integrity of our criminal justice system and the rule of law demands that justice be done, even if the criminal violations took place some time ago. As important, recent developments in Cambodia suggest that Hun Sen and his subordinates are continuing their efforts to escape justice and avoid the reach of the law in many new ways that demand attention. If they can avoid responsibility for past acts, they are emboldened to commit further abuses, and that seems to be the pattern that is developing.

Recent reports indicate that Hun Sen's government is seeking to interfere with and undermine the investigations and prosecutions that are being undertaken by the Special International Criminal Tribunal (officially referred to as the Extraordinary Chambers) for Cambodia that was established under joint United Nations and Cambodian auspices to deal with war crimes and crimes against humanity that took place during the Khmer Rouge regime from 1975 to 1979, when more than 1.7 million Cambodians were subjected to genocide for political reasons. Notably, Hun Sen was a member of the Khmer Rouge military during that period. Though the International Tribunal was established in 2003, there have been few prosecutions and convictions, largely attributed to "interference by the Cambodian government." The Phnom Penh Post reported on September 13, 2010 that the Cambodian judges on the Tribunal, who are appointed and controlled by the Hun Sen regime, have refused to allow fair investigations to take place, and a number of high level government officials have refused to honor subpoenas to testify, "reinforcing serious concerns about interference" with the Court from the Hun Sen government. "The big question is ... whether the court will be able to deliver a fair trial according to international standards, or whether we're going to have a trial in the usual Cambodian tradition where the government decides the outcome," according to one of the lawyers at the Tribunal. This sounds very reminiscent of how the Hun Sen government handled, and interfered with, the FBI investigation of the 1997 grenade attack. News reports just were issued on September 16, 2010, that four additional high-level leaders of the Khmer Rouge genocide had been indicted by the Tribunal. They were accompanied by continuing concerns being voiced about "political interference" and a "lack of cooperation" by Hun Sen's government, based on the reality that many former Khmer Rouge officials hold senior positions in the current administration." (Reuters article "UN Backed Tribunal Indicts 4 Khmer Rouge Leaders," Sept. 16, 2010)

The Hun Sen government also is associated with a number of recent repressive policies and actions aimed at limiting and punishing political opposition. The National Public Radio program "The World" aired a report on August 10, 2010 indicating that the Hun Sen government was in the process of adopting a new law, the Non-Government Organization Law, that would effectively prevent private groups from engaging in opposition political activities, allow the government to disband and prosecute groups that disagreed with government policies without any due process standards, and authorize the imprisonment of NGO leaders. "The concern," according to The World correspondent Mary Kay Magistan, "is that ... the squeeze on civil society is only getting worse and the proposed NGO law will give the government yet another way to silence voices and challenges it would prefer not to hear. Magistan suggests that the new policy is reminiscent of when Hun Sen first was installed as Prime Minister, when "no opposition parties, no democratic elections" and no non-governmental activities were permitted by the government.

Amnesty International has issued a special report on Cambodia human rights non-compliance concerns to the 15th Session of the United Nations Human Rights Council indicating that the problem of "impunity" -- the failure of the Cambodian government to secure justice in instances of major human rights abuses -- has been on ongoing issue that is not being addressed. Their report notes many cases where, "Those responsible for the homicide of several civil society figures have still not been identified and brought to justice." (Amnesty 2010 Report, page 7) This includes many current cases, including that of trade unionist Chea Vichea, shot dead in 2004, trade unionist Hy Vuthy, killed in February 2007, and journalist Khim Sambor, murdered with his son in 2008, along with eight other journalists working for opposition media. Similar concerns are voiced in a special report of the United Nations Special Rapporteur on Human Rights in Cambodia, Professor Surya Subedi, noting "various shortcomings in the criminal justice system" producing "numerous ... instances of miscarriage of justice," ... and many "constraints on the judiciary's ability to act" on an independent basis. Human Rights Watch Asia Director, Brad Adams, also recently noted the Cambodian government's "relentless crackdown on critics" and on opposition political figures. (January 28, 2010 Human Rights Watch Statement)

Under these increasingly repressive circumstances, where impunity has become an ongoing and commonplace policy of the Hun Sen government to prevent the proper administration of justice, the investigation by the U.S. of Hun Sen's interference with the FBI probe in 1997 will be an important reminder that the rule of law, and accountability for violations of U.S. criminal sanctions, can not be ignored.

V. Action and Relief Requested. In view of the likelihood of the wide range of federal criminal law violations that have been identified and described above, Complainant/Petitioners hereby respectfully request that the appropriate U.S. law enforcement agencies, including the Federal Bureau of Investigation, the U.S. Department of Justice Criminal Division, and the U.S. Attorney for the Southern District of New York (where Hun Sen and his subordinates will be physically located on and around September 24, 2010 during his visit to the United Nations General Assembly Session):

1. Promptly and fully investigate the violations of federal U.S. law that have been alleged related to misrepresentations made to the FBI team investigating the 1997 grenade attack in Cambodia, and to the attempts that were made to obstruct their investigations.

2. Identify and seek the criminal accountability of those responsible for violations of U.S. criminal laws, including Hun Sen to the extent that any head of state immunity claim that he may make is not applicable. It should be noted that the grenade attack on the general population that is involved, resulting in mass murders, may well constitute "crimes against humanity" under the definition provided in Section 7 of the International Criminal Court Statute as a "widespread ... attack directed against any civilian population" that result in murder or persecution based on political grounds. As such, head of state immunity claims would not be available under Article 27 of the Statute, and time limits on prosecutions would not apply.

3. Issue a comprehensive public report on the findings made by the FBI team investigating the 1997 grenade attack, and the findings resulting from the current investigation of the unlawful cover-up efforts that have been requested in this Petition and Complaint.

Respectfully submitted this 21st day of September, 2010 by:

__________________________
Morton Sklar
Founding Executive Director Emeritus (retired)
World Organization for Human Rights USA

On behalf of the Sam Rainsy Party (the largest political opposition party in Cambodia) and the other named Complainants.

General Contact Information:
Email: mshumanrights@verizon.net
Tele: (1) (301) 946-4649
Contact information for the individual complainants can be provided on request to government prosecutors, and has been withheld in this submission for security reasons.

Note: This Complaint and Petition is filed by Mr. Sklar as Attorney of Record in his personal capacity, and is not an official submission or action of Human Rights USA.

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Monday, November 17, 2008

General Hok Lundy Was Widely Feared

General Hok Lundy, Cambodia's Notorious and Brutal Police Chief, He Was Widely Feared


By Tom Fawthrop
The Guardian, Wednesday November 12 2008

General Hok Lundy, Cambodia's notorious police chief and close ally of prime minister Hun Sen, has died at the age of 58 in a helicopter crash. He was travelling from the capital, Phnom Penh, to the south-eastern province of Svay Rieng. None of the helicopter's other occupants - General Sok Saem, deputy commander of the Cambodian infantry, the pilot and co-pilot - survived the crash.

A four-star general and member of the politburo of the ruling CPP (Cambodian People's party), Hok Lundy was a man who inspired fear not only in opposition ranks, but also in members of his own party. Born in Svay Rieng, he first rose to prominence as the governor of Phnom Penh in 1990. Four years later, Hun Sen appointed him national police chief, reporting directly to the prime minister. He never took orders from Sar Kheng, his nominal boss as minister for the interior.

In the aftermath of a bloody power struggle in 1997 between partners in the coalition government, many royalist generals were captured and killed in cold blood. Hok Lundy played a key part in these mopping-up operations and extrajudicial executions. A Funcinpec (royalist) party minister, Ho Sok, was detained at the interior ministry and shot dead by a police unit there. It is known that Sar Kheng had ordered the police to ensure Ho Sok's safety, but Hok Lundy chose to handle things his own way, according to high-ranking sources close to the minister.

This was later confirmed by Heng Pov, the former Phnom Penh police chief, after he fell out with Hok Lundy. While he was on the run from criminal charges stacked against him, Heng Pov accused Cambodia's police supremo and security chief not only of murdering Ho Sok, but also the union leader Chea Vichea and film star Piseth Pilika, in revelations to the French magazine L'Express.

Diplomats in Phnom Penh routinely referred to Hok Lundy as a "thug". This reputation was further enhanced by his role in the burning of the Thai embassy in January 2003. The police chief, who was normally no fan of demonstrators, had permitted anti-Thai protestors to run riot, attacking Thai-owned properties all over Phnom Penh. In the aftermath of this violence he persuaded the prime minister to sack the capital's popular governor, his arch-rival Chea Sophara, as a scapegoat.

That Hun Sen sided with his police chief was no surprise, as Hok Lundy had already married his daughter off to one of Hun Sen's sons, thus consolidating close family ties among Cambodia's clannish ruling elite.

Lundy was also implicated in drug trafficking, the return of refugees to countries where they faced persecution and human trafficking. Two US Drug Enforcement Agency officials and a former unnamed US ambassador to Cambodia confirmed to Human Rights Watch that the US government was aware of Hok Lundy's involvement in drug trafficking. In February 2006, the US State Department's human trafficking office specifically cited Hok Lundy's alleged involvement in human trafficking as grounds for denying him a visa. That decision was linked to a brothel raid in December 2004, after which Hok Lundy reportedly ordered the release within hours of several traffickers, before an investigation could be conducted.

However, after 9/11 the Cambodian government had become cooperative in the war on terrorism. In March 2006, the month after the refusal of a visa, the FBI nonetheless awarded Hok Lundy a medal for his support for the US global war on terrorism, and the US ambassador to Cambodia, Joseph Mussomeli, praised Lundy's cooperation with the US in drug trafficking and human smuggling. State Department officials confirmed at the time that Hok Lundy had been invited to visit the FBI specifically because of his purported cooperation in counterterrorism. When, in April 2007, the FBI invited him to Washington for such discussions, Brad Adams, Human Rights Watch's Asia director, commented: "Hok Lundy's alleged involvement in political violence and organised crime in Cambodia means that the FBI should be investigating him, not hosting him."

The sudden death of a man who had made many enemies has sparked much speculation in Cambodia that the helicopter crash may not have been an accident, despite reports of bad weather. The helicopter caught fire, and the government has promised an investigation. Many people would have cause to celebrate the death of Cambodia's Mr Untouchable.

A French online agency, K-Set, has reported that Chea Mony, the brother
of the slain trade unionist and presidentof the Free Trade Union of Workers in the Kingdom of Cambodia, has said that the death of the top policeman means that the number of murders of politicians, entertainers and Cambodian reporters will undoubtedly be reduced, but regrets that he was never brought to justice.

Hok Lundy, soldier and police chief, born 1950; died November 9 2008

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Tuesday, April 01, 2008

People Power Can Change Cambodia

SOURN SEREY RATHA
Guest Commentary
Published: March 31, 2008
Source: United Press International

CRANSTON CITY, R.I., United States, The ruling party of Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen, in another politically motivated ploy to weaken rivals prior to national elections in July, arrested Tuot Saron of the opposition Sam Rainsy Party on March 18. He is now awaiting trial on trumped-up charges.

The authorities were planning to arrest at least two other party officials, whom they accused of intimidating and mistreating members of their own party who want to defect to the ruling Cambodian People's Party.

Rights watchdog Human Rights Watch said that such dubious arrests of opposition officials months ahead of an election "should set alarm bells ringing." Brad Adams, the group's Asia director, said, "This divide-and-conquer strategy is a well-known tactic of Prime Minister Hun Sen to subdue his opponents." He said human rights had been violated in every election cycle in Cambodia.

The only way Cambodians can break Hun Sen's divide-and-rule plan is to unite and launch a People Power initiative. The term typically refers to the popular protest movements in the Philippines that led to the ouster of two presidents, most famously Ferdinand Marcos in 1986. Such a movement should unite all opposition parties and the people of Cambodia to end Hun Sen's authoritarian rule.

People Power is also a social movement that could challenge Cambodia's Constitution and seek greater freedoms and rights for its people. Such collective and united efforts would not only give opposition parties the power to fight the current communist rule, but also the strength to denounce any government that comes to power and fails to act on its election promises of creating social harmony and looking out for the people's welfare.

In the past, Hun Sen has rejected People Power as a possibility. However, the ability of monks to vote is a real concern to the ruling party. Monks form an integral part of Cambodia's social community. They influence the faith and political perceptions of the people, 95 percent of whom are Buddhist.

Holding elections is a good thing, but most government atrocities and human rights violations occur after the elections are over. People Power can police the actions of any party that comes to power. In the current scenario, the legislative and executive branches of the government are controlled by the ruling Cambodian People's Party, which is averse to People Power. There is growing concern within the party that a mass protest movement could arise and depose Hun Sen.

Cambodia's veneer of political pluralism grew thinner in 2007. Last year saw the recurring pillage of Cambodian people's land and other natural resources and the jailing of government critics, independent media, and political dissenters, all under the pretext that the groups were attempting to weaken civil society. The Cambodian authorities have never conducted any serious investigations into these matters. Instead, Hun Sen has continued to arrest officials from opposition parties that voice dissent and organizers who stage demonstrations.

Politics in Cambodia have never fully recovered from the events of 1997. On March 30 that year, a grisly grenade attack at an opposition party rally led by former Finance Minister Sam Rainsy left 16 dead and more than 150 injured. In July of the same year a coup -- described by Cambodians as an executive usurpation of power by Hun Sen against Prince Norodom Ranariddh -- cost hundreds of lives. What remained after the coup was a ruthless pattern of extrajudicial executions aimed at rooting out Ranariddh loyalists. General Ho Sok was fatally shot -- presumed executed within the perimeter of the Interior Ministry building. After elections in 1998, Hun Sen presumably ordered his bodyguards and special police force to open fire on over 10,000 demonstrators gathered in front of the National Assembly.

From 1992 until 2006, almost 4,000 activists and supporters of the FUNCINPEC party -- National United Front for an Independent, Neutral, Peaceful, and Cooperative Cambodia -- Buddhist Liberal Democratic Party, Sam Rainsy Party, and other small parties have been killed. At least 130 families have sought refuge in other countries, while 56 families still await political asylum in sympathetic countries elsewhere.

In 2007, in Preah Vihea province, 317 innocent families were evicted and their houses burned. In Phnom Penh, Chhruoy Changva, and Tonle Basac, military police officers arrested, razed, and burned houses displacing thousands of families. The officers claimed that the land belonged to private companies that would utilize it for public projects. Later, thousands of displaced families were relocated -- or rather dumped at sites outside the capital. These sites lacked drinking water and proper sanitation facilities.

Authorities in Phnom Penh and Battambang province seized all 2,000 copies of the inaugural issue of the monthly "Free Press Magazine" when it was distributed on Nov. 2, 2007. Fearing arrest, the magazine's editor-in-chief, Lem Piseth, and distribution director, Heu Chantha, have been in hiding, according to the Phnom Penh-based Cambodian Center for Human Rights.

Hun Sen has been exemplary in demonstrating how a dictator should cope with the West. He has allowed the development of opposition parties, but murdered their activists. He has allowed opposition figures to emerge, but has not attempted to successfully co-opt them into his regime. He has allowed unions and human rights groups to exist, but prominent individuals within those groups have been killed. When critics or opposition parties increase their efforts to organize rallies and programs for the poor and victims of abuse, political oppression escalates as the elite dig in to defend their interests.

People Power is a challenge, not only to the ruling party but also for the people of Cambodia if they hope to change the leadership and the regime. It is time for Cambodians to conduct a countrywide survey on whether they want to keep the monarchy or become a republic.

Foreign aid, including from the United States, still makes up about 50 percent of Hun Sen's budget. While Hun Sen claims Cambodia is on its way to democracy, what is really happening is the Vietnamization of the country. It's a wake-up call for all Cambodians to gear up for People Power.

--

(Sourn Serey Ratha is chief of mission of the Action Committee for Justice and Equity for Cambodians Overseas, based in Rhode Island, United States. He was born to a farmer's family in Cambodia, earned B.A degrees in law and sociology in Phnom Penh and an M.A. in international policy from Mara University of Technology in Malaysia. He has been a social activist for his country on the national and international levels since 1997. ©Copyright Sourn Serey Ratha.)

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Cambodia: Infamous Grenade Attack Still Unpunished


Sam Rainsy following the grenade attack

A wounded Chea Vichea (L) sitting next to Sam Rainsy following the attack

Scene of the carnage following the grenade attack on 30 March 1997
FBI Should Revive Probe of Alleged Perpetrators Promoted by Hun Sen
Source: Human Rights Watch - http://hrw.org/english/docs/2008/03/30/cambod18404.htm

(New York, March 30, 2008) – The US Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) should reopen its long-stalled investigation into the grisly grenade attack on an opposition party rally in Phnom Penh 11 years ago that left at least 16 dead and more than 150 injured, Human Rights Watch said today. The FBI investigation, which made significant progress in 1997, has been effectively abandoned.

On March 30, 1997, a crowd of approximately 200 supporters of the opposition Khmer Nation Party (KNP), led by former Finance Minister Sam Rainsy, gathered in a park across the street from the National Assembly to denounce the judiciary’s corruption and lack of independence. In a well-planned attack, four grenades were thrown into the crowd, killing protesters and bystanders, including children, and tearing limbs off street vendors. The grenade attack made headlines and provoked outrage around the world. On June 29, 1997, the Washington Post wrote:

"In a classified report that could pose some awkward problems for U.S. policymakers, the FBI tentatively has pinned responsibility for the blasts, and the subsequent interference, on personal bodyguard forces employed by Hun Sen, one of Cambodia’s two prime ministers, according to four U.S. government sources familiar with its contents. The preliminary report was based on a two-month investigation by FBI agents sent here under a federal law giving the bureau jurisdiction whenever a U.S. citizen is injured by terrorism. ... The bureau says its investigation is continuing, but the agents involved reportedly have complained that additional informants here are too frightened to come forward."

"The FBI was close to solving the case when its lead investigator was suddenly ordered out of the country by the US ambassador, Kenneth Quinn," said Brad Adams, Asia director at Human Rights Watch. "The FBI has damning evidence in its files that suggests that Prime Minister Hun Sen ordered the attack, but it has refused to fully cooperate with congressional inquiries or follow through on its initial investigation. Instead of trying to protect US relations with Cambodia, it should now finish what it started."

The FBI investigated the attack because Ron Abney, a US citizen, was seriously injured in the blast, which the United States at the time deemed to be an "act of terrorism." Abney had to be evacuated to Singapore to treat shrapnel wounds in his hip.

Instead of launching a serious investigation, then co-Prime Minister Hun Sen announced that the demonstration’s organizers should be arrested and instructed police not to allow them to leave the country. (To read an Agence France-Presse account published at the time, please visit: http://hrw.org/english/docs/2006/03/28/cambod13086.htm).

On the day of the attack, Hun Sen’s personal bodyguard unit, Brigade-70 (B-70), was, for the first time, deployed at a demonstration. Photographs show them in full riot gear. The police, which had in the past maintained a high-profile presence at opposition demonstrations to discourage public participation, had an unusually low profile on that day. Officers were grouped around the corner from the park, having been ordered to stay away from the park itself. Also for the first time, the KNP had received official permission from both the Ministry of the Interior and the Phnom Penh municipality to hold a demonstration, fuelling speculation that the demonstration was authorized so it could be attacked.

Numerous eyewitnesses reported that the persons who had thrown the grenades were seen running toward Hun Sen’s bodyguards, who were deployed in a line at the west end of the park near the guarded residential compound containing the homes of many senior Cambodia People’s Party leaders. Witnesses told United Nations and FBI investigators that the bodyguard line opened to allow the grenade-throwers to escape into the compound. Meanwhile, people in the crowd pursuing the grenade-throwers were stopped by the bodyguards at gunpoint and told they would be shot if they did not retreat.

"This brazen attack, carried out in broad daylight, ingrained impunity more than any other single act in recent Cambodian history," said Adams. "But that appears to have been one of its purposes – to send the message that opposition supporters can be murdered without ever facing justice."

In a June 1997 interview with the Phnom Penh Post, Hing Bun Heang, deputy commander of Hun Sen’s bodyguard unit and operationally in charge of the bodyguards at the park on March 30, 1997, threatened to kill journalists who alleged that Hun Sen’s bodyguards were involved. Hing Bun Heang has since been promoted as deputy director of Hun Sen’s cabinet and, in September 2006, appointed as supreme consultant to Cambodia’s Senior Monk Assembly and assistant to Supreme Patriachs Tep Vong and Bou Kry.

The bodyguard unit B-70 remains notorious in Cambodia for violence, corruption, and the impunity it enjoys as the de facto private army of Hun Sen. According to a 2007 report by the nongovernmental organization Global Witness, "The elite Royal Cambodian Armed Forces Brigade 70 unit makes between US$2 million and US$2.5 million per year through transporting illegally logged timber and smuggled goods. A large slice of the profits generated through these activities goes to Lieutenant General Hing Bun Heang, commander of the prime minister’s Bodyguard Unit."

In one notorious case in 2006, two soldiers from B-70 shot a Phnom Penh beer promotion girl in the foot for being too slow to bring them ice. They were arrested by military police, but released hours later by their commander. A representative of the commander said the victim would be paid $500 compensation by B-70, but no criminal investigation or prosecution ensued.

"Instead of investigating the senior officer in charge of the bodyguard unit implicated in the 1997 grenade attack and who threatened to kill journalists reporting on it, Hun Sen has promoted him,” said Adams. “Apparently, Hun Sen considers such a person qualified for a senior position in the country’s official Buddhist hierarchy."

Given the serious and credible allegations of the involvement of the Cambodian military in the grenade attack, Human Rights Watch expressed concern that the United States has increased military assistance and training to the Cambodian military before it completed its investigation into the 1997 attack.

Human Rights Watch called on the US to ensure that it is not providing any assistance or training to current or former members of B-70 or other Cambodian special military units with records of human rights abuse. In an effort to solidify counterterrorism cooperation, the FBI in 2006 awarded a medal to the Cambodian Chief of National Police Hok Lundy for his support in the US "global war on terror." Hok Lundy was chief of the national police at the time of the grenade attack and has long been linked to political violence.

"No credible explanation has ever been offered for the deployment or behavior of Hun Sen’s bodyguards on March 30, 1997," said Adams. "Their actions may reach the highest levels of the Cambodian government, yet the FBI investigation has been dropped. The fact that the US is providing military assistance instead of investigating the grenade attack shows that it is effectively complicit with the Cambodian government in abandoning any hope for justice for the victims of this horrific attack."

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Thursday, March 27, 2008

STATEMENT ON 11TH ANNIVERSARY OF GRENADE ATTACK

03/27/2008
STATEMENT ON 11TH ANNIVERSARY OF GRENADE ATTACK.
Ron Abney, Cochran, Georgia,USA
ronabney@hotmail.com

DID THOSE KILLED ON MARCH, 30 1997 DIE IN VAIN?

What a sham and a farce the investigation of this tragic event has become. Every year we call on the Cambodian Government to investigate. We’re asking the Hun Sen government to re-open a case which he never really opened.

The FBI found out within weeks of the attack that it was planned and carried out by Hun Sen’s own private guards and covered up by Hun Sen’s top police enforcers. What a crime was committed that day. We shouldn’t be vague about culpability when we ask for a new investigation. So let’s be real.

Did those slaughtered on 3/30/97 die in vain? Even today Hun Sen is the supreme and ultimate puppeteer of all that happens in Cambodia. He decides who will be exiled and who will be allowed back in the country. He decides how far each opposition party can go in criticizing has government. He makes sure the NEC is loaded with yes men who will validate the results of the election. He decides who will be jailed and who will be released. He decides the fate of pro-democracy party commune leaders who speak out and try to organize. His forces bribe opposition part officials to join CPP. And as we saw on 3/30/97 he decides when opposition goes too far.

He is a master of intrigue. He has told the world for years that his government will bring the Khmer Rouge leaders before his court for trail. How is that trial going by the way? These KR leaders are dying right and left of old age while the corrupt judicial system in Phnom Penh makes a farce out of a situation so tragic it still rips the heart out of those who suffered at the hands of Pol Pot.

Cambodia hasn’t really changed. Everything looks shinier and tourists who fly from their own country to Bangkok or Hong Kong to Siem Reap and its five-star hotels and then back to their homes talk of how wonderful to see all the changes. They should travel about an hour from Siem Reap in any direction and see what has happened to the homeless who used to pack the streets of that great city.

Those gathered on 3/30/97 only asked for justice and political freedom. If they were alive today they would still be begging for basic human rights and the same freedom and opportunities that CPP officials enjoy.
In Cambodia everybody votes but nobody counts.

--> More on CAMDISC including LIST OF VICTIMS WHO DIED AT THE DEMONSTRATION IN FRONT OF THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY ON 30 MARCH 1997

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