Editorial | Articles about Cambodia | Khmer

Friday, November 19, 2010

Cambodia: Ten tips on visiting Angkor's temples

Michelle Jana Chan reports on how to see the Cambodian temples at Angkor at their best, in spite of the crowds.
Source: The Telegraph

Angkor Archaeological Park is home to hundreds of temples as well as villages, schools and farmland. Just as a millennium ago, Angkor is a vast area where people live and work. Glimpses of rural Cambodian life – immaculately uniformed children walking to school and their parents working the fields – offer humble interludes between temple visits.

Its centrepiece is Angkor Wat, Cambodia's best-preserved and beloved temple. Originally dedicated to the Hindu god Vishnu, it has remained a place of worship since its foundation. Thought to be a miniature replica of the universe, its towers, moats and concentric walls reveal an architectural sophistication, and the bas-relief with their plump figures and triumphal battle scenes reflect a healthy, wealthy period of history.

Elsewhere, in the park, some of the most elegant carvings can be found at Banteay Srei temple, decorated with sensuous celestial dancers. Ta Phrom is one of the most photographed temples, deliberately left mostly unrestored, and tangled and strangled by undergrowth, branches and roots.

The perennial favourite is the Bayon temple at Angkor Thom whose towers – like at Banteay Chhmar – are etched with enlightened bodhisattva faces. The Bayon is also decorated with enchanting bas-relief depicting ordinary Khmer life rather than the Hindu mythology seen at most other temples.

Aside from these landmark temples, there are smaller but equally moving sites like Ta Nei (resembling a diminutive Ta Phrom), Ta Som (with a four-faced tower like at the Bayon) and Banteay Samre (like a petite Angkor Wat). Built on a more human scale, they can offer some respite from their grander cousins.

Here are 10 tips on how to visit Angkor well:
  1. High season runs from November to March, when the weather is usually fair. Late October and November, the country is still lush after the rains and there are fewer tourists.
  2. Wear comfortable shoes with good soles; the paving at the temples is uneven and slippery when wet. Take an umbrella against the rain/sun. A torch is useful for windowless rooms.
  3. Have a basic understanding of Hinduism and Theravada Buddhism. Most guidebooks have a section on this subject. A good map is available at local bookshops in Siem Reap (they do not have one at the ticket office).
  4. Most tourists follow a well-trodden route: sunrise at the west gate of Angkor Wat before returning to the hotel for breakfast; late morning, Angkor Thom, Ta Phrom and Banteay Srei; after lunch, exploring more fully Angkor Wat; sunset atop Phnom Bakheng hill. Avoid this itinerary to beat the crowds.
  5. This is the way I would do it. Early to bed, early to rise. Angkor opens at 5.30am and this is the best time to start exploring. After sunrise, most tourists head swiftly back to their hotels for breakfast. Instead, stay out until 9am when the temples are remarkably peaceful. Plan on a late lunch, or ask the hotel to pack a picnic. Between noon and 2.30pm, many temples are empty. The afternoons are best spent at the smaller temples. I love sunset at the fiery-red Pre Rup or East Mebon temples.
  6. Ask your tour operator to assign you their best private guide. Touring temples can be wearying unless you have someone bringing the history to life.
  7. At some temples children sell souvenirs and employ emotive language about how they need money for school. Buying from them will encourage them to work in this way. Most tour operators and hotels have links to NGOs, and visits can often be arranged to schools and orphanages; donating to these organisations might be a wiser way to support the local community.
  8. Try to visit the National Palace Museum in Phnom Penh. This stopover works best after visiting the temples. The newly opened Angkor National Museum in Siem Reap is poorly curated but is worth an hour with a good guide.
  9. A visit to the British Museum is worthwhile; it is currently hosting Images and Sacred Texts: Buddhism Across Asia, which includes artefacts from Cambodia (until April). The world's most comprehensive collection of Khmer artefacts is in Paris's Musée Guimet.
  10. It is not uncommon to hear tourists say they are "templed out". Pace yourself, take breaks and visit smaller, less busy temples.

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Thursday, November 18, 2010

Khmerization, Ki-Media and Sacrava sued by Hor Namhong?

By Khmerization


It is a big surprise that Khmerization, Ki-Media and Sacravatoons might have been sued by Foreign Minister Hor Namhong (pictured) in secret, yet the parties have not been informed of the lawsuit.
The possible defamation lawsuit against these three blogs was revealed by Khmer Intelligence, an opposition-affiliated news syndicate, recently that Mr. Hor Namhong had took the defamation case to the French court, but his complaints have been thrown out of court.
"The French court in Paris has recently dismissed legal complaints for defamation lodged by Cambodian Foreign Minister Hor Namhong against three Web sites particularly critical of the Hun Sen government: KI-media, Khmerisation and Sacrava", reported the Khmer Intelligence.
This is not the first time Mr. Hor Namhong had used legal lawsuit to intimidate Khmerization and the other two blogs. In May 2008, through his lawyer, David Meas, Mr. Hor Namhong had sent a very strong message to Khmerization and threatened to sue, unless Khmerization deleted all articles critical of his roles in the Khmer Rouge genocide when he was once a senior official. However, the threat failed to materialise, but Khmerization had received a number of strange emails with the aim of trying to identify and to obtain my address.
Khmerization is no stranger to controversy. In June of this year, it has been blocked by ICT of Thailand after it published a number of articles critical of the Thai royal family.
But in this case, justice and truth have prevailed.

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Tuesday, November 02, 2010

Remarks With Cambodian Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Hor Namhong

Hillary Rodham Clinton
Secretary of State
Ministry of Foreign Affairs
Phnom Penh, Cambodia
November 1, 2010

DEPUTY PRIME MINISTER HOR: (In Cambodian.)

SECRETARY CLINTON: Thank you very much Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister. I greatly appreciate this opportunity to spend this time with you discussing these matters of great importance to both of our countries. This is my sixth trip to Asia as Secretary of State but my first to Cambodia, and it represents the commitment that President Obama and I have made to restoring America to a high level of engagement in the Asia-Pacific region and in particular to work with the government and the peoples of countries such as Cambodia.

Our two countries recently marked the 60th anniversary of our diplomatic ties, so even as we celebrate old milestones we are firmly fixed on the future to broaden and deepen our partnership. And we had very productive talks this afternoon and I look forward to meeting with the prime minister shortly, and I greatly appreciated the honor of meeting with His Majesty the King earlier today. And then finally, I will meet with leaders of the political opposition.

My discussions have left me convinced that we can work even more closely together to help meet the challenges facing Cambodia and all of Southeast Asia. With help from the United States Government, Cambodia is doing more than ever before to improve its health systems. And in – particularly, we applaud the Government of Cambodia for its commitment to prevent the spread of HIV and deliver life-saving treatment to people living with AIDS.

Our Peace Corps volunteers are now teaching English. And from what I saw earlier in my town hall with these very impressive young people, they are certainly connected to the global economy, and English is one of the keys for doing that.

Through our whole-of-government Feed the Future Initiative, we will be helping the people of Cambodia mount a comprehensive fight against hunger by raising agricultural productivity and making nutritious foods more widely available.

I especially appreciate the commitment of the Cambodian Government to the Lower Mekong Initiative. The deputy prime minister and foreign minister have been deeply involved in this work. It’s a promising new mechanism for the United States, Cambodia, Vietnam, Laos, and Thailand to address the challenges in education, health, and the environment that affects all of the people of the Lower Mekong Basin, most especially to address the impact of climate change.

We had our third ministerial in Hanoi two days ago and we look forward to following up on the excellent ideas that Cambodia presented. I also want to acknowledge, as His Excellency did, that Cambodia is making progress in countering corruption. With strong implementation, the new anticorruption law can be a powerful tool to prevent, detect, and punish corruption. This will reassure foreign investors. But more importantly, it will serve the needs of the Cambodian people. It is inspiring to see this country creating such a promising future after a generation of conflict and suffering.

I had a very emotional tour of the Tuol Sleng Museum and I looked at the faces of the young Cambodians, both those who were killed at that terrible place of suffering and those who did the killing. And what is most important is that Cambodians themselves are educating the young generation about a painful chapter in this country’s past and honoring the memory of those who died by working hard to bring accountability and justice while seeking to stabilize and reconcile as well.

Today Cambodia is not only preserving its own peace, it is sending Cambodians overseas to serve as UN peacekeepers in Chad and the Central African Republic and assisting in demining missions in Lebanon and Sudan. So Cambodia is actually using the lessons of its own painful past to help save lives and help other countries who are grappling with conflict and war.

We recently contributed $5 million to Cambodia’s Khmer Rouge Tribunal. And as I told His Excellency, we are committed to helping Cambodia hold accountable those senior Khmer Rouge leaders most responsible for atrocities. I salute the tribunal’s ongoing efforts to bring justice to the victims that promote the rule of law. And I will do what I can to work with the Cambodian Government, with the United Nations, and the international community to ensure that we have the resources needed to proceed with Case 002.

I am very optimistic about Cambodia’s future. The last years have been transformative for this country. And I hope that the United States can be a good partner and a friend as the Government and people of Cambodia make the necessary steps to improve your democratic institutions, to improve the economy, to provide the kind of opportunities that the young people I met with earlier today deserve to have. This visit, Your Excellency, has left me encouraged that our partnership can deepen and grow to serve both our peoples in the years to come. Thank you.

MODERATOR: Thanks, Excellency. Due to the time constraint, the floor is open for only four questions – two questions from Cambodian press and the other two questions from American press. Please raise your hands to get the floor.

QUESTION: (In Cambodian.)

SECRETARY CLINTON: I discussed the debt issue with the deputy prime minister and foreign minister, and if any of you were at the town hall earlier, you know that two of the young questioners, they also asked me about the debt issue. We have agreed that the United States will send a team of experts as soon as possible to resume discussions over ways to settle this debt. The discussions, as you know, ended in 2006. We very much want to see this matter resolved, and as His Excellency said, in accordance with Paris Club principles and in service of Cambodia’s development.

MODERATOR: Second question, please. Gentleman, have the floor. (Inaudible) mike. (Inaudible.)

QUESTION: Hello. This is a question for both Madam Secretary and the foreign minister. Madam Secretary, you said that the U.S., of course, (inaudible) tribunal. Are you looking to see the Cambodian Government do what the foreign minister said that they did not want to do, which is to expand the scope of the trials? Is there enough support? Is the government giving the tribunal enough support? And then secondly on human rights, last week and again today, the foreign minister seemed to indicate that there were already too many groups here promoting human rights. Last week, there was a suggestion that the UN human rights office here should be closed down. I’m wondering what you think about that idea.

And Mr. Minister, I’m wondering if that is indeed what the government’s position is, is that there are already enough human rights groups here that you don’t need the UN office. Thank you.

SECRETARY CLINTON: Matt, as to your first question, we are in full agreement with the Government of Cambodia that Case 002 should be brought to trial as soon as possible. That is our first and most pressing piece of business. There is not yet the funding available to do that trial. The estimate is somewhere between $46 and $50 million that will be needed to conduct that trial, funding that would go to the United Nations for the international aspects of the trial and funding that would go to the Cambodian Government. So my highest priority right now is to make sure that we have that money in place so that trial can begin. It is scheduled to begin in the first half of 2011; the sooner the better is my view.

Now there is, as I think you heard His Excellency, concern on the part of the Cambodian Government about going beyond that. That is something that we in the international community should consult closely with the Cambodian Government on. But the first piece of business is getting 002 to trial, and I want to see that happen as soon as possible. So I will be personally reaching out to help raise the money that is needed to get that done.

Secondly, I did not hear the deputy prime minister and the foreign minister say that there were too many NGOs. I think he was making the point, as he did with me in my private meeting with him that there are more than a thousand NGOs in Cambodia, more than a hundred that are committed to human rights. I personally believe that the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights is a valuable resource. It provides technical assistance to the government. It also works with these NGOs that are in Cambodia – both Cambodian NGOs and international NGOs on a variety of concerns, including human rights, trafficking in persons, and the rule of law. So the High Commissioner’s Office is active in ways that we think are very complementary to what the Cambodian Government is committed to doing, and we think the work is important and we would like to see it continue.

MODERATOR: Second question, please. Gentleman, have the floor.

QUESTION: Thanks for question. I’m (inaudible) from Cambodia Daily Newspaper. Madam Secretary (inaudible). I would like to hear about the U.S. position on the Cambodian Government, which has announced (inaudible) want to close the UN Human Rights Office in Cambodia and (inaudible) be chief of the human rights office in government. And also the second question, if I may –

MODERATOR: Only one question.

QUESTION: Sorry. Please.

SECRETARY CLINTON: Well, I believe that the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights is a valuable resource and I would hope that it would continue its work, which is important. It works with NGOs; it works with the Government of Cambodia. I think the Government of Cambodia is making significant progress on human rights, and I would like to see that progress continue. I would like to see the cooperation between the United Nations and the Cambodian Government be such that it assists in promoting human rights, ending the trafficking in persons and upholding the rule of law. So from our perspective, we would like to see the work by the UN here on human rights continue.

MODERATOR: Thank you. The last question goes to American –

SECRETARY CLINTON: I think His Excellency might wish to say something.

DEPUTY PRIME MINISTER HOR: (In Cambodian.)

MODERATOR: The last question, please, to American press. Lady, you have the floor.

QUESTION: Hi, Madam Secretary. I wanted to pick up with a question about what you said earlier, that you’d be willing to send a team of experts to explore new approaches. Can you give us a little detail about what those approaches might entail?

And Mr. Foreign Minister, the Secretary earlier today was saying that Cambodia should pursue alliances beyond – broad alliances beyond those with China.

MODERATOR: Speak louder, please.

QUESTION: The Secretary was suggesting earlier today that Cambodia should pursue alliances broadly, regionally, beyond just China. Could you give us your response to that, please?

SECRETARY CLINTON: We are very, very interested in pursuing a settlement on the debt that was incurred by Cambodia during the Lon Nol regime. There have been no discussions since 2006 at all, and we think it’s time for our experts to meet and explore a broad range of potential areas for settling of this debt.

At this point, I don’t have any preconceived notion of how that will happen because there are a number of different approaches that can be pursued. And we have learned a lot about how to do this during the last decade, so I think the first thing we should start with is a very open discussion between our respective expert teams about options that would be available. But it is my intention to move this up the ladder of priorities, because I think it is something that needs to be given immediate attention. It is a concern that it has not been even addressed, and I would like to see us make it a priority. And His Excellency has agreed, so we will begin to work on that together.

MODERATOR: Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, the joint press availability is now concluded. Thank you very much for your participation.

http://www.state.gov/secretary/rm/2010/11/150237.htm

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Tuesday, October 26, 2010

Ireland's Senator Alex White intervenes in favour of Sam Rainsy

Ireland's Senator Alex White intervenes in favour of Sam Rainsy
Micheál Martin TD
Minister for Foreign Affairs
80 St Stephen’s Green
Dublin 2

21 October 2010

Dear Minister,


I write to you in relation to Mr Sam Rainsy, leader of the second-largest political party in Cambodia.


Mr Rainsy has denounced corruption and human rights abuses in his homeland but has been prosecuted by the ruling party and government of Cambodia. Mr Rainsy established a political party in 1995, but has been subject to assassination attempts, threats, intimidation, criminal cases, and civil court cases. In 1997, a grenade attack on a political rally he was addressing killed at least 16 people and wounded 150.


Mr Rainsy has been deprived of his parliamentary immunity and has received prison sentences twice. I enclose an article from Human Rights Watch dated 28 January 2010 entitled ‘Cambodia: Opposition Leader Sam Rainsy’s Trial a Farce’ which deals with these issues.


I would appreciate if you could inform me whether the department has been in touch with the Cambodian authorities in recent times and whether you have raised the case of Mr Rainsy. If you have not had such an opportunity, I would ask you to do so as a matter of urgency.

I look forward to hearing from you.

Kind regards,




Senator Alex White

Senator Alex White,
Seanad Eireann, Leinster House, Dublin 2. 618 3972
Constituency: 1 Main Street, Rathfarnham, Dublin 14
Home: 30 Fortfield Road, Terenure, Dublin 6w. 490 3889

http://www.alexwhite.ie
http://senatoralexwhite.wordpress.com

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HOW WILL HUN SEN RESPOND TO THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT AND THE UNITED NATIONS' RECOMMENDATIONS?

HOW WILL HUN SEN RESPOND TO THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT AND THE UNITED NATIONS' RECOMMENDATIONS?

Today, 17 opposition National Assembly members including Sam Rainsy wrote to Prime Minister Hun Sen asking the Government to elaborate on its position and action plan following last week’s Resolution from the European Parliament strongly condemning human rights violations in Cambodia and calling for corrective measures.

Referring to Article 96 of the Constitution which requires the Government to answer any question from any National Assembly member within seven days, the 17 Parliamentarians, who enclosed in their letter to Hun Sen the original text in English of the European Parliament October 21, 2010 “Resolution on Cambodia, in particular the case of Cambodia”, asked the Prime Minister the following question:
« What measures and what decisions will the Government take to respond to proposals and recommendations from the European Parliament, which wants to see the resolution of a number of political problems in Cambodia in accordance with the principles of true liberal democracy based on pluralism? »

In their letter the 17 Parliamentarians reminded Hun Sen of the following points:
- « In its “Resolution on Cambodia, in particular the case of Sam Rainsy,” the European Parliament specifically calls on the Cambodian government to “engage in political and institutional reforms to build a democratic state governed by the rule of law and founded on respect for fundamental freedoms.” »

- « The European Parliament also calls on the Cambodian government to “draw up an action programme and timetable for implementing the recommendations made in the June 17, 2010 report by the United Nations Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Cambodia”. This UN report notably “deplores external interference in the work of the judiciary.” »

- « All the political groups representing the 736 Members of the European Parliament representing 27 countries in all over Europe unanimously adopted the above-mentioned October 21, 2010 “Resolution on Cambodia, in particular the case of Sam Rainsy.” »

SRP Members of Parliament





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Letter from SRP MP Son Chhay to US Ambassador Carol Rodley

HE Mrs. Carol Rodley
US Ambassador to the Kingdom of Cambodia
No. 1, Street 96
Sangkat Wat Phnom
Phnom Penh.

October 25, 2010
Ref: SC4-014/10
Dear HE Mrs. Carol Rodley,

I am writing on behalf of parliamentarians from the Sam Rainsy Party (SRP), regarding the upcoming visit of United States Secretary of State, Mrs Hillary Clinton, to the Kingdom of Cambodia. We very much look forward to the visit of such a high-ranking American political visit to our country. We do hope it will in particular allow for issues concerning the advancement of human rights, democracy and justice to be primordially discussed and tackled. Further, it is with this in mind that we would like to ask you to help in arranging for a meeting between Mrs. Hillary Clinton and Parliamentarians of the Sam Rainsy Party (SRP).

The current situation has deteriorated immensely in terms of implementing, the Democratic Principles and the respect of basic human rights in Cambodia, particularly targeting the poor, women, and all those individuals who might be suspect of political opposition. This has been expressed through the centralizing of power by the ruling party to solely control of all national institutions and the widespread land grabbing affecting essentially the poor, daily physical and psychological discrimination, the use of the judicial power for political ends, and brutal suppression of any form of protest and criticism. Several members of our party, including our leader, Mr. Sam Rainsy, have repeatedly faced life threats, forced exile, court trial and/or imprisonment. In the last annual report to the UN Human Rights Council in Geneva last month, the UN Special Rapporteur for the situation of human rights in Cambodia, Professor Surya Subedi, deplored that victims of all sorts of abuses in Cambodia seem to be “desperate for justice,” and is “concerned about the narrowing of political space in the country for people belonging to the opposition political parties and other political activists.”


Our party has been working relentlessly to push for all citizens, including women, to be able to speak out and to protect all Cambodian citizens’ freedom of speech and all other fundamental rights. We aim to bring an end to the culture of fear predominating in our country and with this Cambodian citizens’ silence.


For this, we are very thankful for the international community’s committed support, including that of the United States. We have been continuously encouraged and fully support the United States’ ever-strong commitment to the promotion of human rights, democracy and the rule of law, worldwide and including in Cambodia. We have been particularly touched by your Excellency Carol Roldey past interventions, your statement in supporting the need to fight persisting corruption in our country. We have also been truly inspired by Secretary of State, Mrs. Hillary Clinton, a woman, who leads a very strong political career for the US democratic party, committed to battle for the improvement of her own country as well as for stability in the world, including especially with regards to human rights.


As one of the 48 Least Developed Countries, Cambodia stands to further gain from the international community’s support and as national parliamentarians we have the duty to ensure that our country’s most discriminated against benefit. It is also our duty to protect our citizens and make their grievances heard. We believe that meeting with Mrs. Hillary Clinton, would be an immense honor for our people as it will help to encourage the respect for the role of opposition in a fading Democracy in Cambodia as well as opportunity to discuss and further such matters.


Please accept, Excellency, the assurances of my highest consideration, and my personal respect.


Sincerely yours,

SON Chhay, AM
Member of Parliament
Party Whip of SRP

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Monday, October 25, 2010

Letter from Canadian MP Alexandra Mendes regarding the 1991 Paris Peace Agreements and Sam Rainsy's case


Letter from Canadian MP Alexandra Mendes regarding the 1991 Paris Peace Agreements and Sam Rainsy's case



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Sam Rainsy Party's Members of Parliament Letter to Somdech Dejo Prime Minister Hun Sen

Sam Rainsy Party's Members of Parliament Letter Sent to Somdech Dejo Prime Minister Hun Sen regarding 1991 Paris Peace Agreements.


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Sunday, October 24, 2010

Samdech Dejo Hun Sen Refuses to answer SRP MPs as to why his regime violates the 1991 Paris Peace Agreements on Cambodia

Thursday, October 21, 2010

European Parliament resolution of 21 October 2010 on Cambodia, in particular the case of Sam Rainsy

Thursday, 21 October 2010 - Strasbourg
European Parliament resolution of 21 October 2010 on Cambodia, in particular the case of Sam Rainsy

The European Parliament,

– having regard to its resolutions of 13 January 2005 on trafficking of women and children in Cambodia(1) , 10 March 2005 on Cambodia(2) , 1 December 2005 on the human rights situation in Cambodia, Laos and Vietnam(3) , 19 January 2006 on political repression in Cambodia(4) and its resolution of 15 March 2007 on Cambodia(5) ,


– having regard to the Cooperation Agreement concluded in 1997 between the European Community and the Kingdom of Cambodia(6) , in particular Article 1 (respect for human rights) and Article 19 (suspension of agreement if one party violates Article 1) thereof and Annex I (regarding Article 19) thereto,

– having regard to the 1998 UN Declaration on Human Rights Defenders,

– having regard to the EU Guidelines on Human Rights Defenders approved by the Council on 14 June 2004 and updated in 2008,

– having regard to the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights,

– having regard to the 17 June 2010 report of the United Nations Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Cambodia, which deplores external interference in the work of the judiciary(7) ,

– having regard to the decision taken by the Inter-Parliamentary Union's Committee on the Human Rights of Parliamentarians at its meeting of 12 to15 July 2010,

– having regard to the resolution of 6 October 2010 of the Inter-Parliamentary Union's Governing Council,

– having regard to Rule 122(5) of its Rules of Procedure,

A. whereas a worrying authoritarian trend has been noticeable in Cambodia over the last few years; whereas this is reflected in a deterioration in the human rights situation, the stifling of fundamental freedoms, a brutal policy of land-grabbing that affects essentially the poor, the suppression of all forms of criticism and protest, the persecution of the parliamentary opposition and civil society activists, the use of the courts for political ends and a drift toward a one-party system,

B. whereas Sam Rainsy, a member of the Cambodian parliament and the leader of his country's second largest political party, has been persecuted by the authoritarian ruling party and government of Cambodia,

C. whereas on 23 September 2010 the opposition leader Sam Rainsy was sentenced in absentia to 10 years in prison on charges of disinformation and falsifying public documents by the Phnom Penh Municipal Court; whereas his conviction was based on an act of civil disobedience involving the uprooting of six wooden temporary border posts at the Vietnamese-Cambodian border, which is still disputed between the two countries; whereas the action took place in support of villagers who claimed to be victims of land-grabbing, saying that the Vietnamese had illegally shifted the posts onto Cambodian soil, in their rice fields, and that their complaints to the local authorities had remained unanswered,

D. whereas on 13 October 2010 the Appeal Court in Phnom Penh decided to uphold a two-year handed down on 27 January 2010 by the Svay Rieng provincial court, in absentia , against Sam Rainsy in connection with a protest against alleged Vietnamese encroachment on Cambodian territory, but decided to release two villagers convicted along with Sam Rainsy, after nine months and 20 days in prison,

E. whereas the strategy of Cambodia's ruling party is to use a politically subservient judiciary to crack down on all government critics,

F. whereas an alarmingly high number of people are being held in detention in Cambodia owing to various shortcomings in the criminal justice system, and whereas there is still no guarantee of the independence and impartiality of the judiciary,

G. whereas, according to human rights NGOs, the government has used the courts to silence criticism of its responses to land-grabbing, corruption and border disputes,

H. whereas on 30 August 2010 a staffer of the NGO Licadho, Leang Sokchoeun, was sentenced to two years‘ imprisonment by the Takeo provincial court for allegedly distributing anti-government leaflets in January 2010; whereas, however, the trial was tainted by severe procedural irregularities,

I. whereas Mu Sochua, an opposition member of parliament, has been convicted on a charge of defaming the Prime Minister,

J. whereas the journalist Hang Chakra was detained for nine months after having denounced corruption in the entourage of Vice-President Sok An,

K. whereas in 1995 Sam Rainsy was unconstitutionally expelled from the National Assembly, but managed to recover his parliamentary seat at subsequent elections; whereas he has escaped several assassination attempts, including a deadly grenade attack in 1997, but some 80 of his supporters have been murdered,

L. whereas the ruling party has stripped him of his parliamentary immunity three times on questionable bases in order to have him sentenced to prison terms,

M. whereas the EU is Cambodia's single largest donor,

1. Condemns all politically motivated sentences against representatives of the opposition and NGOs, in particular the sentences of 23 September 2010, 13 October and 27 January 2010 against Sam Rainsy, as well as that of 30 August 2010 against Leang Sokchoeun and those against Mu Sochua and the journalist Hang Chakra;

2. Reminds the Cambodian Government that it must fulfil its obligations and commitments regarding the democratic principles and fundamental human rights which are an essential element of the above-mentioned Cooperation Agreement, as stipulated in Article 1 of that Agreement;

3. Calls on the Cambodian authorities to ensure that the NGO law which is currently in preparation will not restrict the activities of Cambodian civil society organisations on grounds of discretionary interpretation and will not be applied in such a way as to disadvantage civil society as well as the opposition;

4. Calls on all political players to foster good neighbourhood policies within the region and a policy of reconciliation among ethnic and cultural groups in Cambodia;

5. Notes that the UN Special Rapporteur has drawn attention to progress and efforts being made by the Cambodian Government, and wishes to see practical steps taken to bring about a noticeable and lasting improvement in the situation as regards human rights and the independence of the courts;

6. Calls on the Cambodian authorities to:


– engage in political and institutional reforms to build a democratic state governed by the rule of law and founded on respect for fundamental freedoms;
– demonstrate their will to combat effectively the endemic scourges of corruption, massive deforestation resulting in the displacement of people, and the sex tourism industry, to reject the current culture of impunity and to bring to justice all those involved in such activities;
– guarantee free and fair political expression without intimidation and harassment;
– draw up an action programme and timetable for implementing the recommendations made in the Special Rapporteur's report;


7. Is alarmed at the prosecution and sentencing to a 12-year prison term of the opposition leader Sam Rainsy, on account of a gesture which it considers to be of a symbolic and clearly political nature;

8. Is particularly alarmed that, should it be upheld, this verdict would bar Sam Rainsy from standing in the 2013 parliamentary elections and would have consequences far beyond Sam Rainsy's case, as it is bound to affect the opposition as a whole, all the more so because the recent prosecutions of a number of outspoken opposition members have already narrowed down the political space, and would hence be detrimental to the democratic process in Cambodia;

9. Calls therefore on the authorities to explore ways and means of resolving the issues at hand through political dialogue and to enable Sam Rainsy to resume his parliamentary activities as rapidly as possible;

10. Calls on the Cambodian authorities to heed the recommendations made by the United Nations Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Cambodia; invites the Parliament of Cambodia to debate his report in parliament and to take the necessary measures to ensure implementation of his recommendations;

11. Calls on the European Union to take steps to ensure that fundamental freedoms, as enshrined in Article 1 of the above-mentioned Cooperation Agreement, are respected and that attacks on civil liberties have consequences; calls furthermore on the European Union to make continuation of its financial aid conditional upon an improvement in Cambodia's human rights record;

12. Calls for an emergency humanitarian plan to be put in place, with EU involvement and UN coordination, to assist the Cambodians who have been hardest hit by the crisis, in particular those working in the textile and construction industries who have lost their jobs;

13. Instructs its Delegation for relations with the countries of Southeast Asia and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and its Committee on Foreign Affairs to monitor developments;

14. Instructs its President to forward this resolution to the Vice-President of the Commission/High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, the governments and parliaments of the Member States, the governments of the ASEAN and ASEM member states, the ASEM secretariat, the UN Secretary-General, the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights and the government and National Assembly of the Kingdom of Cambodia.

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Monday, October 18, 2010

In Cambodia, No Land Title, No Rights

By WILL BAXTER (The Wall Street Journal)



As Cambodia's economy booms after years of war and instability, its residents are struggling to cope with a new problem: Land grabs and forced evictions that have affected more than 250,000 Cambodians over the past five years, according to Cambodia-based rights group Licadho, which began recording data on land disputes in 2005.

The roots of the problem can be traced back to the rule of the Khmer Rouge, a radical Communist rebel group that abolished Cambodia's land titling system in 1975 when they outlawed ownership of private property.

Although the Khmer Rouge lost power in 1979, even today few Cambodians possess official land titles, making it easier for private businesses to force people off their land for urban development projects and large-scale agro-business plantations.

Often, residents are relocated -- sometimes without compensation -- to areas far from their jobs, health care and adequate water and sanitation, activists say. In many cases, the companies benefiting from land acquisitions are owned or controlled by government ministers, ruling party senators, military officials and their family members, activists add.

"Over the last 15 years, Cambodia's ruling elite have enriched themselves by selling off the country's forests, fisheries, land and most recently mineral resources," said David Pred, executive director of Bridges Across Borders Cambodia.

The government dismisses charges of excessive and inappropriate land deals and says some development projects are necessary to promote the country's economy.

"Land and cultural resources are the two major potentials Cambodia possesses (which) can be used to develop the country," says Im Chhun Lim, Minister of Land Management, Urban Planning and Construction, in Cambodia. So "there should not be a question to why Cambodia" uses its large tracts of land "for attracting investors for developing (the) country."

He adds that while some relocations create challenges for residents, over time living conditions improve as basic infrastructure is installed and relocated residents are integrated into their new areas.

Either way, advocates say, the disputes are likely to continue -- Cambodia's growing economy is expected to generate even more demand for land in the years ahead.

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Friday, October 15, 2010

A Story Why the Town/Province Was Name Siem Reap

By Kenneth So

There is a story why the town/province was name Siem Reap.

Siem Reap was named so during the time of the Khmer King Ang Chan I (1516-1555). The brother-in-law of King Srey Sokonthor Bat (Brother of Prince Ang Chan I) named Kân usurped the throne by killing the king after he was elevated from a slave status to the rank of nobility.

After Kân took control of the country he proclaimed himself king or Sdach Kân. Prince Ang Chan had to flee Cambodia and took refuge in Thailand. After gathering his strength Prince Ang Chan asked permission from the Thai King to return to Cambodia to fight the usurper Kân but the Thai king refused to grant him permission.

One day the Thai king heard of a white elephant roaming in the forest and wanted to capture the elephant. Because of its rarity, the white elephant was believed to bring luck and prosperity to whoever possess it. Ceasing on this occasion, Prince Ang Chan volunteered to lead the hunt for the white elephant. The Thai king agreed and offered 500 soldiers to accompany the Khmer prince for the hunt of the white elephant. The objective of the prince was not to hunt the white elephant but rather to return to Cambodia to fight the usurper Kân. Once the prince entered Cambodia he started to raise an army to fight the usurper Kân.

Finally, after many battles, King Ang Chan (He was invited by his officers and members of his royal family to accept the title of King in 1516) conquered Kân’s army and had him killed. After the war, the king of Siam wanted the Khmer monarch to pay tribute to the Siam kingdom. He demanded that King Ang Chan send the magnificent white elephant that he possessed as a tribute to Siam. King Ang Chan refused to obey because to do so would put Cambodia into a vassal state of Siam. Upon hearing King Ang Chan’s refusal, the Siam king decided to teach the new Khmer king a lesson.

Sensing that Cambodia was weakened after the exhausting civil war against Kân, the Siam king sent his fresh army to invade Angkor. King Ang Chan hastily recruited Khmer volunteers, who were very enthusiastic to fight the invading Siam army. At Angkor, the Khmer army thoroughly defeated the Siam army and took 10,000 prisoners. From that time on, the village at Angkor was called Siem Reap, which meant Flattened Siamese or Defeated Siamese.

=============


When I visited Angkor Wat in 2007, I was told by Khmer people that the Thais argued with Khmers on the meaning of Siem Reap. They said it meant "Thais building things" as "Siem Reab Chhom." You see how they twisted the meaning of our town/province.

Siem Reap was named so during the time of Ang Chan I. After Sdach Kân took control of the country, Ang Chan had to flee Cambodia and took refuge in Thailand. Many times Ang Chan wanted to come back to Cambodia to fight Sdach Kân but the Thai king refused to give him permission to leave Thailand. In order to leave Thailand Ang Chan had to trick the Thai king. He volunteered to capture the white elephant as a gift to be presented to the Thai king. Once Ang Chan entered Cambodia he started to raise an army to fight Sdach Kân. He finally defeated and killed Sdach Kân. After his victory the Thai king asked Ang Chan to pay tribute to him but Ang Chan refused. The Thai king got mad and wanted to teach Ang Chan a lesson. The Thai king attacked Ang Chan at Angkor but instead of defeating the Khmer king it was Ang Chan who had the upper hand and destroyed the Thai army. The Thais returned to Thailand in defeat and shame. It's from that time on that the place was called Siem Reap.

===============

I just purchased the book "The Khmers: History and Treasures of an Ancient Civilization" that was published by your company White Star. I would like to pinpoint a mistake in the Introduction on page 12 when it said "Siem Reap" meant "Conquered by Siam." The author of the text is mistaken in his translation of these words because it means completely the opposite. It literally means "Flattened Siam" and not "Conquered by Siam." The word Siem means Siam and the word Reap means to flatten in Cambodian. "Siem Reap" in Cambodian means the "Siam was flattened or conquered."

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Tuesday, October 05, 2010

Appeal for Cambodia / Appel pour le Cambode – By Sam Rainsy

October 23, 2010 : Commemoration of the 19th anniversary of the signing of the 1991 Paris Agreements on Cambodia

To all Overseas Cambodians and all Friends of Cambodia : Please send the Appeal below to your elected representatives (House Representatives, Senators, Congressmen, Members of Parliament) in your respective countries of residence

APPEAL FROM PARLIAMENTARIANS
FOR THE REACTIVATION OF THE PARIS AGREEMENTS ON CAMBODIA


A worrying authoritarian trend has been noticeable in Cambodia over the last few years. It shows in the form of a deterioration in the human rights situation, the stifling of fundamental freedoms, a brutal policy of land grabbing that affects essentially the poor, the suppression of all forms of criticism and protest, the persecution of the parliamentary opposition and activists of the civil society, the use of the judicial power for political ends and a drift toward a one-party system.


A written statement by Amnesty International to the 15th Session of the UN Human Rights Council in September 2010 says, “the systemic lack of protection of human rights in Cambodia arises from long-standing impunity for human rights violations [and] very serious shortcomings in the rule of law. The legal system remains biased against the poor and marginalized. Forced evictions continue to affect thousands of families, predominantly people living in poverty. Actions in the courts [initiated by the government] against housing rights defenders, journalists and other critical voices stifle freedom of expression. Amnesty International strongly calls for an end to the “ongoing serious human rights violations” in Cambodia.

Amnesty International’s observations are corroborated by reports from Professor Surya Subedi, the UN Special Rapporteur for the situation of human rights in Cambodia. In his last annual report to the UN Human Rights Council in Geneva last month, the UN Envoy deplores that victims of all sorts of abuses in Cambodia seem to be “desperate for justice,” and is “concerned about the narrowing of political space in the country for people belonging to the opposition political parties and other political activists.”

On the same topic and in the same period of time, a coalition of sixteen best-known local NGOs denounces a recent series of “political trials” and rings the alarm bell by stressing that Cambodia is at risk of becoming a “de-facto one-party state” as during war time.

Nineteen years ago, in order to put an end to war and massacres and to help in the reconstruction of Cambodia, the international community, under the aegis of the United Nations, brought all Cambodian factions together so as to achieve national reconciliation and to lay the foundations of a system of liberal democracy, on the basis of pluralism. It is this type of political system that the international community accepted to guarantee for Cambodia by signing the Paris Agreements on October 23, 1991.

In effect, the Paris Agreements guarantee that “all persons in Cambodia shall enjoy the rights and freedoms embodied in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights” (Article 3 of the Agreement Concerning the Sovereignty, Independence, Territorial Integrity and Inviolability, Neutrality and National Unity of Cambodia). Their signatories represented by eighteen friendly countries including all Western powers and also Australia and Japan, “undertake to promote and encourage respect for and observance of human rights and fundamental freedoms in Cambodia” (Article 15 of the Agreement on a Comprehensive Political Settlement of the Cambodia Conflict). Besides, important Annexes to that Agreement legally bind Cambodia to “a system of liberal democracy, on the basis of pluralism”. The official texts more specifically promise the Cambodian people the respect for “fundamental rights ”, “an independent judiciary”, “due process et equality before the law”, “protection from arbitrary deprivation of property” and “periodic and genuine elections ”, but all these fundamental elements of democracy have not materialized, which explains the current authoritarian, if not totalitarian, drift.

In order to put the democratization process back on track and to strengthen the mechanisms designed to protect human rights in Cambodia as enshrined in the Paris Agreements, the governments of signatory countries and donor institutions such as the European Commission must immediately take adequate measures to ensure the effective respect for all the relevant provisions of the Agreements,

Guided by the desire to help consolidate democracy in Cambodia and to help this country achieve a harmonious and sustainable development on the basis of sound political foundations, the elected representatives from the Cambodian democratic opposition (**) and parliamentarians from friendly nations (***) together launch this Appeal for the reactivation of the 1991 Paris Agreements on Cambodia. They are doing it on the eve of the 19th anniversary of the historical signing of the Agreements, which is the coming 23rd day of October.

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(*) Full text of the Agreements at http://tinyurl.com/24558zn
(**) 26 Cambodian National Assembly members and 2 Cambodian Senators from the Sam Rainsy Party initiated this Appeal.
(***) Parliamentarians from friendly countries who want to express their solidarity and support, please simply send your names to samrainsysrp@gmail.com. Thank you.

==========================

23 octobre 2010 : Commémoration du 19ème anniversaire de la signature des Accords de Paris de 1991 sur le Cambodge.

A tous les Cambodgiens d’Outre-mer et à tous les Amis du Cambodge : Prière d’envoyer l’Appel ci-dessous à vos représentants élus (Députés et Sénateurs) dans votre pays de résidence.

APPEL DE PARLEMENTAIRES
A LA REACTIVATION DES ACCORDS DE PARIS SUR LE CAMBODGE

Une inquiétante dérive autoritaire se manifeste au Cambodge depuis plusieurs années. Elle se caractérise par une détérioration de la situation des droits l’homme, un étouffement des libertés fondamentales, une politique brutale de confiscation de terres qui touche surtout la masse des pauvres, la suppression de toutes formes de critique et contestation , la persécution de l’opposition parlementaire et des militants de la société civile, l’utilisation du pouvoir judiciaire à des fins politiques et un glissement vers un système de parti unique.

Ainsi, on peut lire dans une déclaration d’Amnesty International à la 15 ème session du Conseil des droits de l’homme en septembre 2010 : “La déficience systématique en matière de protection des droits de l’homme au Cambodge tient à l’impunité de longue date pour les violations des droits de l’homme [et] aux très graves manquements à l’état de droit. Le système judiciaire reste biaisé à l’encontre des pauvres et des marginalisés. Les expropriations par la force continuent de toucher des milliers de familles, essentiellement des gens vivant dans la pauvreté. Les actions en justice [intentées par le gouvernement] contre ceux qui prennent la défense des spoliés, les journalistes et d’autres voix critiques, tendent à étouffer la liberté d’expression”. Amnesty International demande que des mesures soient prises pour que cessent ces “sérieuses et persistantes violations des droits de l’homme” au Cambodge.

Les constatations de Amnesty International sont corroborées par le Rapporteur spécial des Nations unies pour la situation des droits de l’homme au Cambodge, M. Surya Su bédi. Celui-ci, dans son dernier rapport au Conseil des droits de l’homme le mois dernier à Genève, constate que les victimes d’abus de toutes sortes sont “désespérées de la justice”, et se dit “préoccupé par le rétrécissement de l’espace politique pour les partis d’opposition et d’autres militants [des droits civiques]”.

Dans le même ordre d’idée et durant la même période, une coalition de seize ONG locales les plus connues dénonce la récente série de “procès politiques” frappant des dirigeants de l’opposition, et tire la sonnette d’alarme: le Cambodge est en train de revenir en fait à un “système de parti unique” comme au temps de la guerre.

Pourtant, il y a dix-neuf ans, afin de mettre fin à la guerre et aux massacres et aider à la reconstruction du Cambodge, la communauté internationale, sous l’égide des Nations unies, avait amené toutes les factions cambodgiennes à se réconcilier et à jeter les bases d’une démocratie libérale pluraliste dont elle garantit le respect par la signature des Accords des Paris le 23 octobre 1991 (*).

En effet, les Accords de Paris garantissent que “toutes les personnes se trouvant au Cambodge jouiront des droits et libertés formulés par la Déclaration universelle des droits de l'homme” (Article 3 de l’Accord relatif à la souveraineté, l'indépendance, l'intégrité et l'inviolabilité territoriales, la neutralité et l'unité nationale du Cambodge). Leurs signataires composés de dix-huit pays amis incluant toutes les puissances occidentales ainsi que l’Australie et le Japon, “s'engagent à promouvoir et encourager le respect et l'exercice des droits de l'homme et des libertés fondamentales” (Article 15 de l‘Accord pour un règlement politique global du conflit du Cambodge). Par ailleurs, des annexes importantes au même Accord prévoient bien pour le Cambodge “un système de démocratie libérale, fondé sur le pluralisme”. Les textes promettent plus spécifiquement aux Cambodgiens le respect des “droits fondamentaux”, “un pouvoir judiciaire indépendant”, “le droit à un procès équitable et l’égalité devant la loi”, la “protection contre la dépossession arbitraire” et des “élections périodiques et authentiques”, autant d‘éléments dont la non-concrétisation explique la dérive autoritaire, pour ne pas dire totalitaire, du pouvoir actuel.

Pour remettre sur les rails le processus de démocratisation et renforcer les dispositifs de défense des droits de l’homme au Cambodge figurant dans les Accords de Paris, les gouvernements des pays signataires et les institutions pourvoyeuses d’aide comme la Commission Européenne doivent prendre immédiatement les mesures nécessaires pour assurer le respect effectif de toutes les clauses essentielles de ces Accords.

C’est dans le but de consolider la démocratie au Cambodge et aider ce pays à se développer harmonieusement et durablement sur des bases saines que les élus de l’opposition démocratique cambodgienne (**) et des parlementaires de nations amies (***) lancent cet Appel à la réactivation des Accords de Paris de 1991 sur le Cambodge, et cela à la veille du dix-neuvième anniversaire de leur signature, le 23 octobre prochain.

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(*) Texte intégral des Accords sur le site http://tinyurl.com/2ua2awb
(**) 26 députés et 2 sénateurs cambodgiens du Parti Sam Rainsy ont initié cet Appel.
(***) Nous demandons aux parlementaires des pays amis du Cambodge qui désirent exprimer leur solidarité et leur soutien de bien vouloir simplement envoyer leur nom à samrainsysrp@gmail.com. Nous les en remercions vivement à l’avance.

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Thursday, September 30, 2010

Rainsy clarifies litigation against Hun Sen in US

Thursday, 30 September 2010
Sam Rainsy
Letter to The Phnom Penh Post

Dear Editor,

I would like to bring a two-point clarification to your article titled “Rainsy files lawsuit in US court” published in The Phnom Penh Post on September 27, 2010.

First, I did not initiate a lawsuit but filed a criminal complaint with United States government prosecutors.

Second, attorney Morton Sklar who officially submitted the complaint with me and on my behalf, along with other victims of the 1997 grenade attack in Phnom Penh, was the founding executive director emeritus of World Organisation for Human Rights USA, but he has retired from that organisation. Mr Sklar acted as attorney of record in his personal capacity as indicated on the first and last pages of the September 23, 2010 Complaint and Petition.

Thank you for publishing this clarification.

Sam Rainsy
Member of Parliament

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Saturday, September 25, 2010

Cambodia: Rainsy Sentence Shatters Pretense of Democracy

Conviction of Opposition Leader Showcases Political Control of Judiciary



(New York) - The latest conviction of the Cambodian opposition leader Sam Rainsy on politicized charges makes it clear that the government of Prime Minister Hun Sen is no longer interested in even the pretense of democracy, Human Rights Watch said today. Rainsy was sentenced to 10 years in prison on September 23, 2010, on charges of spreading disinformation and falsifying maps.

Human Rights Watch urged President Barack Obama to tell Hun Sen when they meet today that this incident will threaten international assistance and relations with Cambodia, especially if the government fails to take urgent action to reverse measures that undermine freedom of expression, assembly, and association. Obama is scheduled to meet with Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) leaders in New York on the fringes of the annual United Nations General Assembly meeting.
"President Obama and other world leaders need to let Hun Sen and his government know that the free ride is over," said Sophie Richardson, acting Asia director at Human Rights Watch. "Cambodia cannot sentence the leader of the opposition to 10 years in prison for peaceful expression without expecting serious consequences."

The court sentenced Rainsy, leader of the opposition since 1995, for disseminating a map that purports to show that Cambodia's border with Vietnam had been moved. The trial was closed to the public, though the verdict was read out by Judge Ke Sakhan, who said, ''The acts committed by the offender seriously affected the honor of the government." Rainsy, who has been in self-imposed exile abroad all of this year, faces prison if he returns to Cambodia.

The case is part of a concerted and longstanding campaign against Rainsy. On January 27, the Svay Rieng provincial court convicted Rainsy and two villagers, Meas Srey and Prom Chea, on charges of inciting racial discrimination and destroying demarcation posts on Cambodia's border with Vietnam. That conviction was based on an incident in October 2009, when Rainsy helped villagers in Svay Rieng remove border markers that they contended had been moved onto Cambodian territory.
"The sentencing of Rainsy takes Hun Sen's campaign of persecution of critics to a new extreme and highlights government control over the judiciary," Richardson said. "Somehow the Cambodian authorities routinely find the time to use the police and courts to attack critics, but never are able to arrest or convict those who attack, often murderously, those very same critics."

Human Rights Watch urged the United States, the European Union, Japan, and other key donors to take strong diplomatic action in response to the sentence against Rainsy, including recalling their ambassadors to demonstrate their outrage. Donors contribute approximately 50 percent of the Cambodian government's budget.

From the time he created his political party in 1995, Rainsy has been subject to assassination attempts, threats, intimidation, criminal cases, and civil court cases. On March 30, 1997, a grenade attack on a political rally he was addressing killed at least 16 people and wounded 150. Rainsy's life was saved when the full force of the blast hit one of his bodyguards.
The US Federal Bureau of Investigation, which became involved because an American citizen was harmed in the attack, found that Hun Sen's bodyguard unit was implicated, but the Cambodian government has failed to investigate or prosecute those responsible.

Senior government officials have repeatedly brought politically motivated cases against Rainsy in recent years. His immunity as a member of parliament was lifted in February 2009 after Hun Sen filed a criminal defamation complaint against him for accusing Hun Sen of corruption. Rainsy's immunity was restored after his party paid a US$2,500 fine. On November 19, 2009, his immunity was lifted again for the border markers case.

Another attempt to jail Rainsy came in December 2005 when he was sentenced to 18 months in prison on transparently political defamation charges. Rainsy was out of the country at the time. Under international pressure, Hun Sen agreed to a royal pardon in February 2006.

"For too long donors have ignored the alarming downward spiral of rights and democracy in Cambodia," Richardson said. "If they continue not to react, they will wake up some day and find that Cambodia closely resembles Burma. It is time for diplomats to stand up and be counted."
Correction

This September 24, 2010 news release incorrectly noted that the Rainsy Party was launched in 1998, whereas it was actually launched in 1995. The launch date of the Party has been corrected accordingly

Source: HUMAN RIGHTS WATCH

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Friday, September 24, 2010

Complaint and Petition Requesting Criminal Investigation and Prosecution of Hun Sen, Prime Minister of Cambodia


SEPTEMBER 23, 2010

COMPLAINT AND PETITION REQUESTING
CRIMINAL INVESTIGATION AND PROSECUTION
OF HUN SEN, PRIME MINISTER OF CAMBODIA
SUBMITTED TO THE ATTORNEY GENERAL OF THE U.S.,
THE CRIMINAL DIVISION OF THE U.S DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE, THE U.S. ATTORNEY FOR THE SOUTHERN DISTRICT
OF NEW YORK, AND FEDERAL BUREAU OF INVESTIGATION

CONCERNING FALSE AND FRAUDULENT STATEMENTS, AND MISREPRESENTATIONS AND THREATS MADE TO OFFICERS OF THE FEDERAL BUREAU OF INVESTIGATION DURING THE COURSE OF AN OFFICIAL CRIMINAL INVESTIGATION, IN VIOLATION OF 18 U.S.C. SECTION 1001 and SECTION 115(a)(1) (B) and (b)(4), AND CONSTITUTING OBSTRUCTION OF JUSTICE IN VIOLATION OF 18 U.S.C. SECTION 1501, et seq.


Submitted by Morton Sklar
Founding Executive Director Emeritus (retired)
World Organization for Human Rights USA
with, and on behalf of,
the Sam Rainsy Party of Cambodia
(the largest political opposition group)
and the following named Complainants:
Sam Rainsy, Ly Neary,
Lay Chan Thou, and Nguon Huon Heun
and U.S. citizen Ron Abney

Contact Information: Email: mshumanrights@verizon.net
Telephone: (1) (301) 946-4649


COMPLAINT AND REQUEST FOR CRIMINAL
INVESTIGATION AND PROSECUTION
OF HUN SEN, PRIME MINISTER OF CAMBODIA
AND NAMED SUBORDINATE OFFICIALS


I. Overview:
On March 30, 1997, a vicious grenade attack was carried out against a peaceful political rally taking place across from the Parliament building in Phnom Penh, Cambodia. According to a U.S. Federal Bureau of Investigation inquiry on the attack, Prime Minister Hun Sen's Personal Bodyguard military unit may well have been responsible for planning and organizing the attack, and for obstructing the capture of the grenade throwers. A team of FBI investigators was sent by the U.S. Government to compile information and evidence concerning the attack because at least one U.S. citizen was injured by the explosion of the grenades, meaning that U.S. criminal law had been violated. The FBI investigations produced a great deal of information and evidence implicating Hun Sen and his personal military unit as likely perpetrators of these violations of U.S. criminal laws, much of which was presented in testimony and submissions made to the U.S. Congress. But a full FBI investigation was not allowed to be completed because threats were made against the FBI investigators, and false and misleading statements and misrepresentations were made. These actions by Hun Sen and his subordinate officials constituted an attempt to cover-up and prevent prosecution of federal crimes, in violation of provisions of U.S. law that prohibit lying to federal officials engaged during the course of an official investigation (18 U.S.C. Section 1001), obstruction of justice (18 U.S.C. Chapter 73, including Sections 1505 and 1510), and the making of threats against federal officials (18 U.S.C. Sections 115(a)(1) B and (b)(4). This Petition and Complaint seeks a full criminal investigation and prosecution of these attempts to improperly and unlawfully cover-up and prevent the FBI's investigation of the crimes associated with the grenade attack in 1997. It is submitted in conjunction with the visit to the United Nations General Assembly by Prime Minister Hun Sen, in order to make clear his direct involvement in both the original grenade attack itself, and in the efforts by his subordinates to cover up the crimes.

The United States has jurisdiction to investigate and prosecute these cover-up efforts despite the fact that the original assaults took place in Cambodia, because they constitute direct violations of U.S. laws involving the investigative work of the team of FBI agents sent to examine U.S. crimes that were perpetrated against at least one U.S. citizen, Ron Abney of the International Republican Institute, who was injured in the grenade attack. Prime Minister Hun Sen may seek to claim "head of state immunity" for his alleged involvement in the grenade attacks and the cover-up efforts. But his subordinates who were and are subject to his control and supervision, and who are heavily implicated in the grenade attack and the resulting cover-up, should be prosecuted to the full extent of U.S. law. Though we recognize that Hun Sen himself may be immune from criminal process and prosecution during the course of his visit to the United Nations General Assembly Session starting on September 23, 2010, it is important that his involvement in the U.S. crimes that have been described is recognized, and that his subordinates who participated in these crimes are held fully accountable.

Each of the Complainants filing this Petition and named on the Cover Page were adversely affected by the federal crimes described herein. The Sam Rainsy Party, then known by a different name, was the organizer of the political rally that was subjected to grenade attack on March 30, 1997. Sam Rainsy, the leader of that party was the main target of the grenade attack. Each of the other named Complainants are individuals who themselves, or through close family members, were directly affected by the grenade attacks, and by the cover-up effort that prevented the perpetrators of the attacks from being identified, prosecuted and brought to justice. This includes U.S. citizen Ron Abney, who was present in Cambodia at the time of the grenade attack as a representative of the International Republican Institute, and whose injuries during the attack served as the jurisdictional basis for the FBI investigation.

Among the individuals named in this Complaint has having directly participated in the criminal activities as described and explained herein are Hun Sen, present Prime Minister of Cambodia, General Huy Pised, General Hing Bun Heang, Chinn Savon, and Mok Chito. Others may be identified as being involved in the described obstruction of justice as a result of the investigation that we are requesting take place.

II. The FBI Investigation and Findings Regarding the Grenade Attack.
Although the FBI investigation of the grenade attack at the 1997 political rally was never completed, in part because of the obstruction and threats imposed by Cambodian Government officials, the official reports issued by the FBI team, many of which were submitted to the U.S. Congress, suggest heavy involvement in the attacks and in resulting U.S. crimes related to the cover-up efforts by Hun Sen and his direct subordinates. For example, it was widely reported in the local media, and corroborated in the FBI report, that members of Hun Sen's personal bodyguard unit, subject to his direct control and supervision, played a major role in the grenade attack, and may well have planned and organized them. Several witnesses confirmed that a large number of the members of Hun Sen's Bodyguard Unit (2nd Battalion, 17th Regiment) were stationed at the rally, which was a highly unusual practice for political demonstrations of this type since Hun Sen himself was not present, and that members of this military unit protected the perpetrators and facilitated their escape by preventing participants at the rally, and those responsible for protecting the speakers from chasing and capturing the grenade throwers as they fled the scene. The Phnom Penh Post, for example, in a front page story headlined "Grenade Suspects Unmasked" published in their May 30-June 12 edition reported that "Witnesses have said that at least two of the grenade throwers fled past ... part of the bodyguard detail of [then] Second Prime Minister Hun Sen in the park at the time of the attack ... who prevented other people from chasing them." The same article indicates that one of Sam Rainsy's personal bodyguards was reported to have told journalists that Hun Sen's bodyguard detail "prevented him from chasing the grenade throwers." A similar report appeared in the Cambodia Daily of April 2, 1997 in an article headlined "Witness Accuses Troops of Assisting Attackers." It quotes a motorbike driver who witnessed the attacks as saying that he "saw soldiers preventing protesters from pursuing the attackers."

The official FBI report of the grenade incident makes similar allegations, confirming the likely involvement in the attacks by Hun Sen's bodyguard unit. The FBI report of November 24, 1998, issued to the public by a Staff Report of the U.S. Senate Committee on Foreign Relations dated October, 1999 (Senate Report 106-32, 106th Congress, 1st Session) was cited as the basis for conclusions by the Senate Foreign Relations Committee staff in submitting the FBI report to the Chair and Ranking Minority Member of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee that:
  • Members of Hun Sen's Bodyguard Force participated in the planning and execution of the March 30, 1997 attack;
  • Hun Sen, being only one of two people with authority over the Bodyguard Force [the other being General Huy Pised, Commander of the Unit] must have known and approved of the attack; and,
  • By June, 1997, the U.S. Government was in possession of overwhelming evidence of conclusions number 1 and number 2 ....


Similar conclusions are outlined in a letter from the FBI to Senator Jesse Helms, then Chair of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, dated February 19, 1999 (page 21, et seq in the Appendix attached to the Committee's Report).

These findings relating to the involvement of Hun Sen and his subordinates in the grenade attacks are significant and are highly relevant to the subsequent cover-up efforts, because they indicate that Cambodian government officials at the highest level under Hun Sen's supervision had a strong motivation for preventing the true facts concerning the attacks from coming out, for covering up the crimes, and for preventing the FBI from doing its investigative work on an effective and thorough basis, in violation of U.S. criminal laws as detailed in this Complaint.

III. The Misrepresentations and Threats Made to the FBI Investigative Team, and the Obstruction of Their Investigative Efforts, Violate U.S. Criminal Laws. As the recent prosecution and trial of Former Governor of Illinois Rod Blagojavich recently demonstrated, lies and misrepresentations made to federal investigators during the course of their official investigations, and efforts to obstruct their investigative efforts, may in and of themselves constitute separate and additional violations of federal criminal law, apart from the original crimes that may have been committed that were being investigated by federal authorities, and that were unlawfully made subject to cover-up efforts. Section 1001 of Title 18 of the United States Code makes it a separate and additional crime to make any "false, fictitious, or fraudulent statement" to a federal investigator, such as an FBI agent. Chapter 73 of Title 18 of the United States Code makes it a federal crime to attempt to obstruct proceedings or investigations of U.S. agencies (Section 1505), and specifically to obstruct criminal investigations of the type being carried out by the FBI in Cambodia (Section 1510). In addition, there is evidence that threats were made to the personal security and safety of at least one of the FBI agents participating in the investigation, constituting a violation of 18 U.S.C. Sections 115(a)(1)(B) and (b)(4), making it a federal crime subject to ten years imprisonment to threaten a Federal law enforcement officer "with intent to impede, intimidate or interfere with such official" in connection with the performance of their duties.

In addition to the provisions of federal criminal law that we have cited dealing with: 1. false statements and misrepresentations made to the FBI investigation team; 2. obstruction of the federal investigation; and, 3. threats made to federal officials, there may well be other violations of U.S. criminal laws implicated by efforts of Cambodian authorities under the control of Hun Sen to undermine and interfere with the FBI investigation of the 1997 grenade attacks. We encourage the U.S. law enforcement agencies where this Complaint/Petition is being submitted to carefully consider the applicability of all relevant federal criminal laws, including those that we have specifically noted.

There is ample evidence, including information provided in the FBI's own report of their investigation, that officials of the Cambodian Government under the direct supervision and control of Hun Sen participated in these violations of federal criminal laws, or, as in the case of Hun Sen, caused or aided and abetted in these violations. Set out below are examples of some of the findings that have been made that support the points made in this Petition/Complaint that violations of federal criminal laws occurred in the course of the obstruction of the FBI investigation.

1. Chhin Savon, the on-the-scene Police Commander who was responsible for the safety of the demonstrators at the March 30, 1997 political rally, is cited as not being cooperative with the FBI investigation, and deliberately withholding key witnesses from FBI investigators.

2. Colonel Mok Chito, Commander of the Phnom Penh Municipal Police force, and reportedly a relative of Hun Sen, is shown in videos made available by Reuters and other news media as being at the scene of the attacks almost immediately after the explosions. He was not made available for interviews by the FBI, on the orders of Chhin Savon, who claimed he was "not available."

3. Huy Pised, the Commanding General of the Hun Sen Bodyguard unit is cited along with Chhin Savon as being "uncooperative" with the FBI investigation.

4. One of the alleged perpetrators of the attack, named "Brazil," who was identified from FBI sketch artist drawings, was in the custody of General Nhiek Bun Chhay, a Cambodian government official, but somehow "escaped" when the FBI asked that he be made available for an interview, and no information was made available to the FBI concerning the circumstances of his escape. He may have ended up in the hands of the Hun Sen forces who took control of the military headquarters where Brazil was being held during the coup d'etat in July, 1997. As a result, Brazil was never made available for interview by the FBI despite numerous requests.

5. According to a May, 1997 report by a Cambodian police official providing information to the FBI, several eyewitnesses claimed that only hours after the attack "two men who looked like suspects" identified in the FBI sketch artists report "were seen boarding a helicopter in the company of Him Bun Heang, the Deputy of General Huy Pised, Commanding General of the Hun Sen Bodyguard unit, and another Cambodian official. Commander Teng Savong denied this allegation.

6. One of the FBI investigators is reported to have said that "Those men who threw the grenades are not ordinary people, they are Hun Sen's soldiers," and to have substantiated this statement by pointing out that the grenade throwers "escaped into the nearby [Hun Sen military] compound, abetted by guards who opened the gates for them and who then denied seeing anything."

7. FBI investigators confirmed that General Pised and his subordinates "lied to us" when they reported that there were only 15 members of the Hun Sen bodyguard unit on duty at the scene of the political demonstration and grenade attacks, when in fact there were "up to 40" members of the unit on site. These bodyguard unit members also lied to FBI investigators when they claimed "that they did not see any perpetrator of the grenade attack cross their line," and that they saw nothing.

8. Personal threats are reported to have been made to U.S. Embassy officials against FBI investigator Thomas Nicoletti with the intention of intimidating and influencing his and the FBI's investigative efforts.

It is our understanding that no statute of limitations period applies to Title 18 Section 1001, Title 18 Chapter 75, and Title 18 Section 115 violations, as no time limit is mentioned in any of these provisions, despite the fact that the violations occurred in connection with federal investigations that took place in 1997. Moreover, even if a time limitation applied, there is evidence that the cover-up efforts kept information about these crimes from being made public until recently, thereby tolling any time limits that may be applicable.

IV. Why These Violations of Federal Law Require Attention Despite the Passage of Time Since the Crimes Were Committed. The Petitioner/Complainants are very well aware that the criminal acts that serve as the basis for this Complaint were committed some time ago. They also are aware that since the actions of officials of a foreign government are involved, sensitive political and foreign policy issues are raised by this Complaint that might counsel for caution or inaction on the part of the U.S. government in deciding whether investigation and prosecution of the federal crimes is justified. Nevertheless, there are important reasons, despite the passage of time and potential foreign policy impacts, why Hun Sen and his subordinates should be held accountable under U.S. law for their actions in interfering with the FBI investigation of the attack on a political rally in Cambodia in 1997 that resulted in injuries to a U.S. citizen, and death and injuries to so many Cambodians.

No one that directly interferes with a U.S. criminal investigation should be treated with impunity because they are foreign citizens, or committed their violations of U.S. law in foreign nations. The integrity of our criminal justice system and the rule of law demands that justice be done, even if the criminal violations took place some time ago. As important, recent developments in Cambodia suggest that Hun Sen and his subordinates are continuing their efforts to escape justice and avoid the reach of the law in many new ways that demand attention. If they can avoid responsibility for past acts, they are emboldened to commit further abuses, and that seems to be the pattern that is developing.

Recent reports indicate that Hun Sen's government is seeking to interfere with and undermine the investigations and prosecutions that are being undertaken by the Special International Criminal Tribunal (officially referred to as the Extraordinary Chambers) for Cambodia that was established under joint United Nations and Cambodian auspices to deal with war crimes and crimes against humanity that took place during the Khmer Rouge regime from 1975 to 1979, when more than 1.7 million Cambodians were subjected to genocide for political reasons. Notably, Hun Sen was a member of the Khmer Rouge military during that period. Though the International Tribunal was established in 2003, there have been few prosecutions and convictions, largely attributed to "interference by the Cambodian government." The Phnom Penh Post reported on September 13, 2010 that the Cambodian judges on the Tribunal, who are appointed and controlled by the Hun Sen regime, have refused to allow fair investigations to take place, and a number of high level government officials have refused to honor subpoenas to testify, "reinforcing serious concerns about interference" with the Court from the Hun Sen government. "The big question is ... whether the court will be able to deliver a fair trial according to international standards, or whether we're going to have a trial in the usual Cambodian tradition where the government decides the outcome," according to one of the lawyers at the Tribunal. This sounds very reminiscent of how the Hun Sen government handled, and interfered with, the FBI investigation of the 1997 grenade attack. News reports just were issued on September 16, 2010, that four additional high-level leaders of the Khmer Rouge genocide had been indicted by the Tribunal. They were accompanied by continuing concerns being voiced about "political interference" and a "lack of cooperation" by Hun Sen's government, based on the reality that many former Khmer Rouge officials hold senior positions in the current administration." (Reuters article "UN Backed Tribunal Indicts 4 Khmer Rouge Leaders," Sept. 16, 2010)

The Hun Sen government also is associated with a number of recent repressive policies and actions aimed at limiting and punishing political opposition. The National Public Radio program "The World" aired a report on August 10, 2010 indicating that the Hun Sen government was in the process of adopting a new law, the Non-Government Organization Law, that would effectively prevent private groups from engaging in opposition political activities, allow the government to disband and prosecute groups that disagreed with government policies without any due process standards, and authorize the imprisonment of NGO leaders. "The concern," according to The World correspondent Mary Kay Magistan, "is that ... the squeeze on civil society is only getting worse and the proposed NGO law will give the government yet another way to silence voices and challenges it would prefer not to hear. Magistan suggests that the new policy is reminiscent of when Hun Sen first was installed as Prime Minister, when "no opposition parties, no democratic elections" and no non-governmental activities were permitted by the government.

Amnesty International has issued a special report on Cambodia human rights non-compliance concerns to the 15th Session of the United Nations Human Rights Council indicating that the problem of "impunity" -- the failure of the Cambodian government to secure justice in instances of major human rights abuses -- has been on ongoing issue that is not being addressed. Their report notes many cases where, "Those responsible for the homicide of several civil society figures have still not been identified and brought to justice." (Amnesty 2010 Report, page 7) This includes many current cases, including that of trade unionist Chea Vichea, shot dead in 2004, trade unionist Hy Vuthy, killed in February 2007, and journalist Khim Sambor, murdered with his son in 2008, along with eight other journalists working for opposition media. Similar concerns are voiced in a special report of the United Nations Special Rapporteur on Human Rights in Cambodia, Professor Surya Subedi, noting "various shortcomings in the criminal justice system" producing "numerous ... instances of miscarriage of justice," ... and many "constraints on the judiciary's ability to act" on an independent basis. Human Rights Watch Asia Director, Brad Adams, also recently noted the Cambodian government's "relentless crackdown on critics" and on opposition political figures. (January 28, 2010 Human Rights Watch Statement)

Under these increasingly repressive circumstances, where impunity has become an ongoing and commonplace policy of the Hun Sen government to prevent the proper administration of justice, the investigation by the U.S. of Hun Sen's interference with the FBI probe in 1997 will be an important reminder that the rule of law, and accountability for violations of U.S. criminal sanctions, can not be ignored.

V. Action and Relief Requested. In view of the likelihood of the wide range of federal criminal law violations that have been identified and described above, Complainant/Petitioners hereby respectfully request that the appropriate U.S. law enforcement agencies, including the Federal Bureau of Investigation, the U.S. Department of Justice Criminal Division, and the U.S. Attorney for the Southern District of New York (where Hun Sen and his subordinates will be physically located on and around September 24, 2010 during his visit to the United Nations General Assembly Session):

1. Promptly and fully investigate the violations of federal U.S. law that have been alleged related to misrepresentations made to the FBI team investigating the 1997 grenade attack in Cambodia, and to the attempts that were made to obstruct their investigations.

2. Identify and seek the criminal accountability of those responsible for violations of U.S. criminal laws, including Hun Sen to the extent that any head of state immunity claim that he may make is not applicable. It should be noted that the grenade attack on the general population that is involved, resulting in mass murders, may well constitute "crimes against humanity" under the definition provided in Section 7 of the International Criminal Court Statute as a "widespread ... attack directed against any civilian population" that result in murder or persecution based on political grounds. As such, head of state immunity claims would not be available under Article 27 of the Statute, and time limits on prosecutions would not apply.

3. Issue a comprehensive public report on the findings made by the FBI team investigating the 1997 grenade attack, and the findings resulting from the current investigation of the unlawful cover-up efforts that have been requested in this Petition and Complaint.

Respectfully submitted this 21st day of September, 2010 by:

__________________________
Morton Sklar
Founding Executive Director Emeritus (retired)
World Organization for Human Rights USA

On behalf of the Sam Rainsy Party (the largest political opposition party in Cambodia) and the other named Complainants.

General Contact Information:
Email: mshumanrights@verizon.net
Tele: (1) (301) 946-4649
Contact information for the individual complainants can be provided on request to government prosecutors, and has been withheld in this submission for security reasons.

Note: This Complaint and Petition is filed by Mr. Sklar as Attorney of Record in his personal capacity, and is not an official submission or action of Human Rights USA.

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Thursday, September 23, 2010

TODAY’S VERDICT FROM A KANGAROO COURT



On a purely technical and truly legal ground, the charges levied against me by the Cambodian government are totally baseless.

Swiss independent map expert Régis Caloz, a professor at the prestigious Ecole Polytechnique Fédérale de Lausanne who had been consulted on the issue, wrote on March 23, 2010 a detailed technical report showing that I have not “produced” or “falsified” any map and that the conclusions I have reached on the issue of Cambodian farmers losing their lands because of border encroachment, are correct. Professor Caloz’s report has been acknowledged by the Geneva-based Inter-Parliamentary Union and its Committee on the Human Rights of Parliamentarians, and is available to everybody.

Therefore, the charges against me are of a strictly political nature. Only a Kangaroo court can issue the type of verdict we saw today. Everybody, from independent human rights organizations to the UN Special Rapporteur on the Human Rights situation in Cambodia, rightly says that the judiciary in this country is everything but independent, being only a political tool for the authoritarian ruling party to silence any critical voices.

Today’s verdict actually reflects the Vietnamese government’s anger against, and worry about, me because I dared, as a Cambodian member of parliament, defend Cambodian farmers, who are my constituents, against continuous border encroachments by Vietnam.

Following a border incident on October 25, 2009 when I uprooted a fake border post illegally planted on a rice field belonging to a Cambodian farmer in Svay Rieng province, there had been no reaction whatsoever from any Cambodian official or authority. The first public reaction actually came ten days later, on November 4, from Vietnam’s prime minister in person, Mr. Nguyen Tan Dung who officially recommended from Hanoi that the Phnom Penh government punish me.

Today’s verdict is the reflection and the result of that recommendation from a foreign country.

Sam Rainsy
Member of Parliament
(Currently travelling from London to Paris)

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