Editorial | Articles about Cambodia | Khmer

Tuesday, May 11, 2010

On guard at Bangkok's frontlines

By Richard S Ehrlich



BANGKOK - He boasts of killing 20 Thai communists and fondly recalls working with the United States Central Intelligence Agency, but denies suspicions that he leads a death squad that is involved in bombings and shootings to help the red-shirt United Front for Democracy against Dictatorship protest group cripple Bangkok.

Major General Khattiya "Seh Daeng" Sawatdiphol is one of the biggest reasons the government and military are afraid to attack the red shirts' barricades and clear them from Bangkok's streets.

"Every morning at 4am, I inspect all these barricades," Khattiya said in Thai during an interview next to barriers built with bamboo spikes, rubber tires, rags, flammable oil, concrete blocks and razor wire. "Every day I go out and do a reconnaissance. I do a tactical show of force."

He is wanted for questioning about a mysterious alleged death squad known as "Ronin Warriors". The government and military blame them for several recent killings stemming from dozens of unsolved M-79 grenade attacks on banks, electric pylons, army positions, an airport fuel depot, government offices and a crowd of people on Silom Road one evening near the red shirts' barricades.

Wearing a camouflage military uniform and canteen, Khattiya denied any link to the Ronin Warriors. But his frequent warnings of grenade attacks - right before they occur - have raised suspicions.

In February, he boasted of training hundreds of former Ranger paramilitary troops to protect the Reds. "If the state clamps down on us, we have to defend ourselves. We and our red shirt brothers may need to resort to weapons," he told reporters at the time.

When he discusses military tactics, people on all sides listen because his combat experience outweighs many officers in Thailand's coup-minded army. His snarling, insult-laden warnings come at a time when the government and military are licking their wounds after the army's disastrous failure to crush the reds' occupation of Bangkok's streets on April 10, which resulted in 25 deaths and 900 injured.

Khattiya said a Ronin Warriors' M-79 grenade assault killed several senior military officers during those clashes, forcing the army's retreat. The Ronin Warriors opened fire after a rival, hooded "men in black" death squad aided the government's side and killed civilians, he said.

"The Ronin Warriors help the red shirts because the government shoots the people," he said during the interview. "The men in black come from the government."

No one has independently confirmed all the facts of who killed whom that night.

Partly due to the Ronin Warriors' willingness to help the reds fight back, the military is unable or unwilling to use force to end the red shirts' occupation of Bangkok's streets, which began on March 12.

The Ronin Warriors could protect the red shirts behind the barricades, Khattiya said.

"I think they can, because the government's soldiers are wearing helmets and bullet-proof vests, and very tight clothing, and they will get very hot and suffer heat stroke" during their assault, he said. "There is no way for the army to dig a fortified position here on these streets. The army will be standing out as targets."

The Ronin have an advantage in urban warfare against the army, he said, pointing at the nearby security forces.

"Here there is a lot of concrete, and all these places where the Ronin can hide behind," he said, gesturing at several tall buildings, including shops, restaurants, offices, a hotel and a hospital.

A publicized rift between the army and police also makes the military vulnerable.

"If the army uses war weapons, the police at the front will turn around against the army, because the police are with the reds. In that event, the Ronin will have an advantage."

He could not, however, guarantee the Ronin would appear in time to rescue the reds.

"The reds have to hang on until the Ronin come to help. If the Ronin don't come, it is over. It is like the movie Braveheart. Thailand's Ronin Warriors use the name to honor stealthy Japanese ninjas. Thailand's version has “assault rifles, M-79 bombs and hand grenades. You don't need anything more than these for close combat like this. The Ronin and the enemy army have the same capability. It is a matter of tactics now."

Another reason Khattiya attracts listeners is because he says things designed to disgust and outrage.

"It is the thought process of homosexuals, using tanks and armor against the population," he said, laughing wildly while describing the evening street battle on April 10.

"The tactics you are supposed to use are to fight early in the morning, or during daylight hours, not at night. But the army acts with homosexual emotions."

When army commander-in-chief General Anupong Paojinda reassigned him to teach aerobics in 2008, Khattiya announced: "I have prepared one dance. It's called 'The Throwing a Hand Grenade Dance'."

Born in 1951, and due to retire in 2011, he is an "army specialist" but was "suspended" on January 14 by Anupong for alleged violations. The next day, a rocket-propelled M-79 grenade exploded in Anupong's office.

"Khattiya's predictions always turn out to be true," a government spokesman, Buranat Samutrak, said in January.

"Everybody thinks that I am the Ronin leader, the samurai. I deny. I deny. I am not a Ronin," Khattiya said during the interview. "I only want to fight with peaceful means."

Cursing, he demanded the arrests of Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva, Deputy Prime Minister for Security Affairs Suthep Thaugsuban, Anupong, and others because "the government shot the citizens" on April 10.

Khattiya was once a Ranger, an often brutal paramilitary force that includes current and former troops loyal to him.

"A true soldier like me was never promoted to the position I should be. I helped kill 20 people, 20 enemies, and I was wounded." He says they were Thai communists, “killed in a tactical conflict, an ambush” that he led in northern Thailand near the border with communist Laos in 1976.

Some speculate Khattiya is using the reds so a cabal of rightwing military officers and retirees can seize power. Police jailed him for a couple of days in March for alleged weapons possession and helping a criminal suspect escape.

On nationwide TV, Abhisit publicly named Khattiya for the first time on April 25 and said without elaborating: "Everything is connected. All names like Seh Daeng [Khattiya]" and others were "not cases of coincidence".

His website, www.sae-dang.com, is officially blocked in Thailand but his books are bestsellers and he occasionally appears on TV talk shows. The major general is friendly with Thaksin Shinawatra, the former billionaire prime minister who was toppled in a 2006 military coup. Thaksin is an international fugitive dodging a two-year jail sentence for corruption. He is close to the reds shirts.

"On March 9, I was in Dubai and saw Thaksin and spoke with him, and [on May 3], I spoke on the telephone with him. I explained to Thaksin how the army committed murder on April 10, and how they are now bringing tanks and will do it again. I told him now we have to fight. They will shoot women and children. I also described the barricades here." because Thaksin is one of the reds' top leaders.

Other red leaders have distanced themselves from Khattiya, fearing his image is too violent. In turn, he has condemned them for recently retracting a barricade from a hospital.

"The red leadership don't agree with me, and they lost all this land by moving the barricades," he said, pointing at an unblocked street in front of Chulalongkorn Hospital.

The reds were denounced as thugs when some of them stormed the hospital on April 29 to search for army snipers, and left without finding any.

"There were soldiers inside," Khattiya insisted. "The red leaders are assuming the posture of retreating, but the red citizens are not. People said the red shirts were becoming stronger than Thaksin. Now the red shirts are going over the heads of the red leaders. They are scared their leaders will give up."

He said Thaksin told him on the telephone: "'Don't let a lot of people die. I don't want a lot of deaths. You have to hold back the army.'

"Thaksin has no idea about the tactics of fighting. But he's a nice guy."

Khattiya is also fond of America, which he has visited several times, including when his daughter recently graduated from George Washington University in Washington DC, he said.

"Earlier, I took General Vang Pao, from the Hmong resistance, to America."

Vang Pao was an infamous leader of the CIA's failed "secret war" in Laos up until 1975, when communists achieved victory alongside communists in Cambodia and Vietnam against the Americans.

Khattiya said he helped smuggle Vang Pao across Thailand into Malaysia. "I stayed with him in a safe house. I took Vang Pao out to Penang, and sent him to America. I also did fundraising with Vang Pao in America, for the anti-communist effort," during the past few decades.

Vang Pao was arrested in 2007 and charged with trying to purchase an anti-aircraft Stinger missile and other weapons in California, and was jailed for several months before being released and acquitted, though others in his group were sent to trial.

"I have a history of working with the CIA as well," Khattiya said, referring to US and Thai efforts to kill Communist Party of Thailand suspects during the 1970s.

Khattiya said he had a message for US President Barack Obama: "This government is murdering people. Bring the United Nations in, because it is going to be like Pol Pot, Mussolini and Hitler."

Richard S Ehrlich is a Bangkok-based journalist from San Francisco, California. He has reported news from Asia since 1978 and is co-author of the non-fiction book of investigative journalism, Hello My Big Big Honey! Love Letters to Bangkok Bar Girls and Their Revealing Interviews. His website is www.asia-correspondent.110mb.com.

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Saturday, May 01, 2010

Chea Vichea Film to Be Shown

The Phnom Penh Post
Meas Sokchea and James O’toole



CAMBODIAN Confederation of Unions (CCU) President Rong Chhun says he will hold an outdoor screening of a controversial documentary about slain labour leader Chea Vichea on Saturday’s Labour Day holiday, despite not having received permission from government officials to do so.


Rong Chhun met at City Hall on Thursday for one hour with Koeut Chhe, the Phnom Penh Municipality’s deputy chief of cabinet, who told him that he could not show the film without first securing permission from the “relevant” government ministries such as the Ministry of Interior. The CCU president’s decision to flout the official’s orders could set up a confrontation, though it was unclear on Thursday how the government would respond to Rong Chhun’s decision.

“This country has laws, so if [Rong Chhun] is showing the film publicly, he must ask permission,” Koeut Chhe said following the meeting. “If he violates the law, that’s his business, but he must be responsible for his violations of the law.”

Council of Ministers spokesman Phay Siphan said Thursday that because organisers are planning to show the film outdoors, jurisdiction over their activities falls to City Hall and the Ministry of Interior. Under the Kingdom’s new Demonstration Law, passed last year, government authorities may “take actions to cease” any unauthorised demonstrations or public gatherings.

Ministry of Interior spokesman Khieu Sopheak on Thursday called the film an “illegal import”. When asked how the government would respond to an unauthorised screening, he said to “wait and see on Saturday”.

Minister of Culture Him Chhem also claimed jurisdiction, saying that his ministry would have to grant permission before a public film screening could go ahead.

“Our Ministry has no problem with the screening. It is [Rong Chhun’s] right, but he must do it legally,” Him Chhem said.

Rong Chhun said Thursday that he planned to go ahead with the screening regardless of the government’s response, claiming he did not have enough time to secure permission from officials at the ministerial level.

“We have already seen politicians murdered, artists murdered, as well as an important union president murdered, and so far the authorities have not found the killers and their backers to be punished,” Rong Chhun said. “At 5:30pm on [Saturday], we are going to do everything according to the plan we submitted to the municipality – we will not withdraw.”

The CCU plans to screen the documentary near Chamkarmon district’s Wat Lanka, where Chea Mony was gunned down in 2004. The film, directed by American Bradley Cox, is currently touring film festivals and is scheduled for wider release in the US later this year.

Drawing from interviews with police, government officials and other public figures, including Chea Vichea himself, Cox’s film offers a portrayal of thuggish law enforcement and a kleptocratic ruling elite under Prime Minister Hun Sen. Although it does not make direct accusations, the film implies that Chea Vichea was killed because of his ties to the opposition, and that the two men convicted of the murder were framed.

Moeun Chhean Narridh, director of the Cambodia Institute for Media Studies, said Rong Chhun should attempt to get government authorisation “for extra precaution”, but should ultimately not be bound by attempts to constrain his freedom of expression.

“It does not cost anything just to ask permission, but if the Ministry of Culture or any other authorities do not give him permission, he should just go ahead and show the film anyway,” Moeun Chhean Narridh said.

Chea Mony, who has replaced his brother as president of the Free Trade Union of Workers of the Kingdom of Cambodia, accused municipal officials of attempting to delay the screening and prevent the public from seeing the film.

“It is a pretext,” Chea Mony said. “If the authorities do not allow the screening, it means that they are afraid of learning more about Chea Vichea’s killing.”

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Cambodian crackdown decimates illegal pharmacies

Securing Pharma
Phil Taylor



The Cambodian government has completed a major anti-counterfeiting operation which has led to the closure of around 65 per cent of the illegal pharmacies operating in the country, according to the US Pharmacopeia.


Five manufacturers have also been banned from supplying products in Cambodia, said the USP, which supported the operation via its work on the Promoting the Quality of Medicines (PQM) project, funded by the US Agency for International Development (USAID).

The crackdown, conducted over five months, targeted the illegal pharmacies because of evidence they were "among the primary sources of substandard and counterfeit medicines in the country," said the USP in a statement.

Between November 2009 and March 2010 the number of illegal pharmacies in operation was slashed from 1,081 to 379, according to data from the Cambodian Ministry of Health.

The operation is a major success for Cambodia's Inter-Ministerial Committee to Fight against Counterfeit & Substandard Medicines (IMC), which was set up in 2005 after a study showed that 16.2 per cent of malaria drugs sampled from retail pharmacy outlets in four Cambodian provinces were of poor quality.

Since then, there has been an alarming decline in therapeutic efficacy of recommended first-line antimalarials, e.g. artemisinin-based combination therapies (ACTs) on the Cambodia-Thailand border which has been attributed to the prevalence of counterfeit and substandard antimalarial drugs, as well as general problems with healthcare provision.

The counterfeiters have also become increasingly sophisticated, carrying various types of fake holograms, and researchers headed by Paul Newton at the Centre for Tropical Medicine in Oxford, UK, have been engaged in chemical, mineralogical, biological, and packaging studies which indicate at least some the counterfeits were manufactured in the southeast region of China.

And the problem is also not confined to malaria drugs. More recently, a similar survey of antihelminthic medicines used to treat parasitic worm infections, published in the journal Tropical Medicine & International Health (May 2010), revealed that around 4 per cent of samples collected from private drug outlets were fake.

The emphasis of the PQM programme in the country is currently on antimalarials and antibiotics, according to the USP.

Meanwhile, through the IMC, Cambodia has also been running public awareness campaigns on television to warn of the dangers of counterfeits, focusing particularly on antimalarials, as well as alerts to warn healthcare professionals to be on the lookout.

Other partners in the latest operation included the World Health Organization (WHO) and the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis, and Malaria.

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Cambodia court rejects bail for K.Rouge leaders

Bangkok Post

Former Khmer Rouge minister Ieng Thirith attends the Extraordinary Chambers in the Court of Cambodia (ECCC) in Phnom Penh. Cambodia's UN-backed genocide court has denied bail for Ieng and two other former Khmer Rouge leaders, saying they may commit serious crimes and their detention was necessary to prevent trial tampering.

Cambodia's UN-backed genocide court on Friday denied bail for three former Khmer Rouge leaders, saying they may commit serious crimes and their detention was necessary to prevent trial tampering.

Judges rejected appeals from former Khmer Rouge head of state Khieu Samphan, foreign minister Ieng Sary and his wife, minister of social affairs Ieng Thirith, who all asked for release ahead of their trial expected next year.

The three leaders, who have been charged with genocide, war crimes, crimes against humanity, murder, torture and religious persecution, appealed against their detention late last year and earlier this year.

"The Pre-Trial Chamber of the (tribunal) dismissed appeals lodged by the charged persons," a statement from the court said.

The tribunal said detention of the ageing suspects "remains a necessary measure" to prevent the suspects from fleeing the trial and to ensure their security.

Khieu Samphan, 78, Ieng Sary, 84, and Ieng Thirith, 78, were arrested in November 2007 over their roles in the 1975-79 Khmer Rouge government, and have appealed annually for release from detention at the court.

The three leaders are being held along with the Khmer Rouge former "Brother Number Two" ideologue Nuon Chea and the regime's main prison chief Kaing Guek Eav, alias Duch.

Up to two million people were executed or died of starvation, disease and overwork as the 1975-79 Khmer Rouge movement emptied cities and enslaved the population on collective farms in its bid to create a communist utopia.

Final arguments in the court's first trial, of Duch, ended in November and a verdict is expected later this year.

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Movie review: 'Dancing Across Borders'

By Sarah Kaufman
Washington Post Staff Writer
Friday, April 30, 2010

Sokvannara Sar was brought from Cambodia to learn classical ballet.

Typical Cambodian souvenirs include hand-woven silks and wood carvings, but Anne Bass, a donor to and member of many ballet boards, wasn't after typical. On her trip to Angkor Wat, she picked up a human being instead.


"Dancing Across Borders" is the documentary that Bass, a first-time filmmaker, made about her effort to bring a Cambodian teenager to New York, where he underwent the grueling process of becoming a classical ballet dancer.

Do-gooder vanity projects don't come more self-aggrandizing than this. Bass is onscreen nearly as much as her sweet-faced work-in-progress, Sokvannara Sar, with whom she became captivated after watching him perform in a traditional Khmer temple dance. If you're able to get past her narcissistic streak -- and really, how else do you make a movie about yourself without being filmed and interviewed in it? -- then you're faced with buying into a morally dicey endeavor.

It may seem like a good thing that a 16-year-old Cambodian without means was scooped up and deposited in Manhattan, where he could pursue the American dream, even if it meant wearing tights. Shouldn't we be impressed that he was saved? But hear Sar describe mixed feelings (mostly sad ones) about Bass's invitation, hear him talk about his reluctance to leave his mother and how lonely he was among the skyscrapers and perennially dissatisfied ballet teachers, and you may find Bass's unique twist on arts patronage uncomfortably one-sided.

This is particularly true when we see what Sar goes through to master in five years what takes 10 or 15 for a typical ballet dancer to learn. A professional dancer starts training as a child, when muscles and joints are more malleable. Sar, however, was nearly an adult, and his experience in Khmer dancing, with its emphasis on slow, gentle movements and sinking low into the ground, lent him some very lovely qualities but did not fully prepare him for ballet's speed, lyricism and perfection of form. Also, whether it was because he was a teenager or because he was unhappy or he just wasn't brought up in ballet's culture of subservience, Sar wasn't always a cooperative student.

Still, his teachers were intrigued by the challenge he posed. He was a combination of "the extraordinary and the complete lack of training," said Peter Boal, a former New York City Ballet principal dancer, who helped in Sar's grooming.

Eventually, Boal left City Ballet to direct Seattle's Pacific Northwest Ballet, and he hired Sar as an apprentice.

Much is made of the fact that, as a Cambodian ballet dancer, Sar is a cultural rarity. Indeed, he is a singular dancer, and the film is at its best when it captures him in glorious motion, particularly in a contemporary solo that was perfectly suited to his physical softness and delicacy. Perhaps things turned out okay for him, or at least better than fishing in the mud. But watching Sar's difficult journey, I felt like a voyeur to a slightly creepy case of noblesse oblige.

And here's a footnote to the success of Bass's project: Sar quit Pacific Northwest Ballet earlier this year.

** Unrated. At Landmark's E Street Cinema. Contains nothing offensive or violent. 88 minutes.

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Thursday, April 29, 2010

Who Was Chea Vichea and Why Does He Matter? Ask Filmmaker Bradley Cox

The Huffington Post

Chea Vichea was assassinated in broad daylight. Brad Cox arrived just minutes after he
was gunned down, and his footage makes for some of the most powerful moments of the film.


In my own special screening, director Bradley Cox recently showed me his 55-minute film Who Killed Chea Vichea? in his office in Manhattan. Bradley is now in Southeast Asia. Chea Vichea was the president of the Free Trade Union of Workers of the Kingdom of Cambodia (FTUWKC) until his assassination on Chinese New Year in January 2004. Vichea was shot in the head and chest early in the morning while reading a newspaper at a kiosk in Phnom Penh.

I had interviewed Cambodian Parliament Member Mu Sochua -- the Cory Aquino or Aung San Suu Kyi of Cambodia, for The Huffington Post in March before she returned to Phnom Penh (story). She had told me, "The day I joined the opposition party was the day the leader of the workers' movement -- Chea Vichea -- was assassinated. He was the founder of the opposition in Cambodia."



Local police struggle to maintain order as journalists and frenzied onlookers surrounded the fallen union leader, his blood spilled over a copy of that day's newspaper. Images from the funeral that followed of Buddhist priests crying as they watch the procession pass are haunting.

The government arrested two men and imprisoned them for their supposed crime. They were both soon judged innocent. The government did not like that judicial decision and the judge was immediately removed from his position at the Phnom Penh Municipal Court. His decision to drop charges was subsequently overturned in June 2004.

The Cambodian union leader Chea Vichea in 2003, one year before he was killed.
From "Who Killed Chea Vichea? Copyright 2009 Loud Mouth Films.


The two men were found guilty after a trial where no witnesses testified against the accused and no forensic evidence was brought to court. Both individuals were sentenced to 20 years in prison and ordered to pay $5,000 compensation each to the family of the victim. Vichea's family turned down the compensation, stating that they did not believe the two convicted were the real murderers.

The documentary of his life and death, Who Killed Chea Vichea?, premiered March 27 at the Frederick Film Festival in Maryland. The film, released by Loud Mouth Films in Philadelphia and Bangkok, is a gripping account of a corrupt government's campaign to hold onto power at any cost, and the quiet resistance of a people facing overwhelming odds. Filmed over five years, and following events as they happened, Who Killed Chea Vichea? was produced by Rich Garella and Jeffrey Saunders with an original score by Gil Talmi.

I interviewed film producer Rich Garella about their deeply moving film:

~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
To me the core of this movie is that it unmasks a dictatorship. Unlike Burma, for example, Cambodia enjoys a lot of foreign aid from Western countries, who are basically being played against China by the Cambodian regime.


The tacit arrangement is that the Western donors agree to play along with the pretense that Cambodia is a 'fledgling democracy' and that Cambodia is constantly making incremental progress on human rights, corruption reduction, election quality and so forth -- even though there is never any detectable change for the better in these areas.

And if they don't play along, and actually demand some accountability, well, Cambodia can just get the same amount of aid from China, no strings attached.

It can also be viewed as a hostage situation, where (Cambodian Prime Minister) Hun Sen says to the West: Don't demand anything that threatens my power or I can make Cambodia into Burma II, and you don't want that. You don't want another intractable problem with a China-backed surrogate and you don't want the poor people of Cambodia to suffer even more than they do.

So Who Killed Chea Vichea? takes one example, out of many, to show that the Cambodian regime really has no limits on its ability to carry out any kind of atrocity, obscuring it only with the flimsiest veil of legitimacy. It's one of the few times, and probably the only time in the case of Cambodia, where a film follows a single emblematic event like this from start to finish, as it unfolds. And thereby gives viewers outside the country a front-row seat to the actual mechanics of this kind of soft dictatorship.

By focusing on a single key case we bring the story down to the human level, which is necessary because the power that the Cambodian regime wields works on the human level -- it's personal fear that limits what Cambodian people can do. They know that the regime has the power of life and death over each and every one of them. This is what the regime intends to illustrate by killing such a well-known and loved person as Chea Vichea: We can kill anyone, at any time, with complete impunity, whether our Western sponsors like it or not... so watch your step.

One aspect of this that we hope to reveal to viewers in these sponsoring countries, including the U.S., is that the apparent incompetence of the authorities in covering their tracks actually serves an important function for them. They don't actually want the people of Cambodia to think anything other than that the authorities had Vichea killed. They need the people to know that it was a political assassination that came from the top, or it wouldn't serve its purpose.

The foreign viewers should realize that the purpose of the cover-up (the framing of the two suspects) is a show that is staged only for the benefit the foreigners at home -- and it's impossible for anyone in Cambodia, including the diplomats from those foreign countries -- not to know the truth.

So in a way, we hope that the film can be a kind of key for viewers, that having seen this, they can have a better understanding not only of the situation in Cambodia but that it will help them interpret events in other countries that receive aid or trade benefits.

And of course, we tried to provide it in a way that is dramatic on a human level, to make it a true investigative thriller that pulls them into an unfamiliar world and gives them, as I mentioned, a front-row seat.

I hope that helps! I should mention that this is my take on the film and its purposes -- Brad's take will be overlapping but somewhat different -- more on the human level. So if you want to talk to him and get some quotes we can arrange it.

~~~~~~~~~~~~

Monks precede dignitaries in funeral march for assassinated union leader Chea Vichea.
From "Who Killed Chea Vichea? Copyright 2009 Loud Mouth Films.


The story continues to be told. This week, The Phnom Penh Post published Delving Into An Old Murder, by James O'Toole and Meas Sokchea:

Vichea spent the morning playing with his daughter, studying his Khmer-English dictionary and plucking his moustache before deciding to leave his Phnom Penh home and pick up a copy of the day's newspaper.


"I watched him from the balcony as he left," Chea Vichea's wife, Chea Kimny, tells director Bradley Cox. "I got up and went to the kitchen. Suddenly, I felt like something kicked me in the chest."

Cox travelled to Cambodia to cover the contentious 2003 elections, and stayed to pursue the story of Chea Vichea's murder. In a one-hour film screened for the Post on Wednesday, he draws on interviews with witnesses and public figures to document the investigation of what has become one of the Kingdom's most infamous political killings in recent years.

"This is not a tale - it is a true story," Chea Mony said. "This film just wants to inform other countries, particularly free, democratic countries, that we can have no confidence in the Cambodian justice system."

In its early moments, Who Killed Chea Vichea? contains footage from an interview with its titular figure. With his slight build and nasal voice, he does not make for an intimidating presence, but his resolve is clear as he describes the history of death threats against him.

"I think they want to kill me because of my experience in the past," Chea Vichea says, adding: "I'm not afraid. If I'm afraid, it's like I die."

Evidence on display during police press conference.
From "Who Killed Chea Vichea? Copyright 2009 Loud Mouth Films.


The film's director Brad Cox is perhaps best suited to answer the question, Who was Chea Vichea and why does he matter? When I met with Brad in New York, he told me:

"Hero" is perhaps the most overused word in the English language, and to be honest, I don't know if I ever met an honest-to-goodness hero in the flesh until I met Chea Vichea.


Imagine a country where you can be arrested for simply displeasing the powers that be. Imagine a country where standing up for your rights can get you killed. This is Cambodia. To get by, most people keep their heads down and their mouths shut. Vichea did the opposite.

He stood up for the hundreds of thousands of garment workers who wanted nothing more than to be treated fairly and to receive a living wage. For his troubles, he was beaten, threatened and arrested countless times.

And when his life was threatened and the police urged him to leave the country, he refused to be intimidated. He stood his ground, because as he told me "If I leave, who will look after the people?"

Heroes are people who go forward despite being fully aware of the dangers that lie ahead. In this regard, Chea Vichea was the real deal.

The Free Trade Union of which Chea Vichea was president traditionally holds a big march on Labor Day -- May 1 -- that attracts thousands of people. They may try to have a public screening of the film this May 1 in the park in Phnom Penh across from where Vichea was killed. If so, it would be a landmark event in Cambodia. I believe the authorities will sadly intervene.

Director Bradley Cox with producers Jeffrey Saunders and Rich Garella.
From "Who Killed Chea Vichea? Copyright 2009 Loud Mouth Films.


Director Bradley Cox has lived in Cambodia for almost five years. He captured the story of Chea Vichea's murder as it unfolded on the streets and in the courtrooms of Cambodia. He previously made the documentary Cambodia: Anatomy of an Election, was a co-founder of Bhutan's first film school, has worked as a screenwriter and director in Los Angeles and has won numerous film festival awards.

Producer Rich Garella lived in Cambodia for most of 1995 - 2003. He was managing editor of The Cambodia Daily, and later worked as press secretary for Cambodia's main opposition party. He co-wrote and produced Polygraph for MoveOn.org's Bush in 30 Seconds project in 2004; the ad was broadcast nationally. With Eric Pape, he wrote A Tragedy of No Importance, about the 1997 grenade attack against the Cambodian opposition.

Producer Jeffrey Saunders is an Emmy-nominated filmmaker and founder of CinemaCapital, an independent production and distribution company based in New York City. His films have been selected at international festivals including the Berlin Film Festival, IDFA, SWSX and Thessaloniki, and acquired by broadcasters including Sundance, ARTE, TF1, ZDF and SBS. His feature film Goal Dreams was selected as one of the top ten "Movies that Matter" by Amnesty International in 2006.

To receive occasional updates, join the film's e-mail list. There is also a Facebook group for the film.




Follow Jim Luce on Twitter: www.twitter.com/jimluce

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Fired Naga workers issue plea to Hun Sen

The Phnom Penh Post



FORTY workers who were dismissed from their jobs at NagaWorld Hotel and Casino earlier this month appealed to Prime Minister Hun Sen on Wednesday for intervention, and said they also plan to file a complaint with the Ministry of Labour.


The workers’ union, the Cambodia Tourism and Service Workers Federation (CTSWF), said in a statement that NagaWorld had violated labour laws by dismissing the workers without advance notice and providing them with inadequate compensation.

“Tourism Federation leaders and members would like to appeal to Prime Minister Hun Sen … to intervene, and would like all relevant ministries to re-inspect the implementation of labour law and other regulations at NagaWorld to help bring justice to our workforce,” the statement read.

CTSWF Vice President Sok Narith said the dismissed workers planned to file a complaint with the Ministry of Labour through his organisation on
Friday. Of the 40 workers who were dismissed on April 12 and April 13, Sok Narith said, only a handful received compensation. NagaWorld management has attempted to intimidate workers still at the company who have expressed interest in positions as union leaders, he added.

NagaWorld declined to comment on Wednesday.

Sok Narith was one of 14 workers dismissed by NagaWorld in February 2009. NagaWorld subsequently filed suit against the dismissed workers for defamation and incitement, though the case was thrown out by Phnom Penh Municipal Court in October. Ten of those workers have since dropped their complaints, and negotiations are pending for the other four.

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Cambodia Infrastructure Report Q2 2010 - New Market Report Published

OfficialSpin

Until 2008, Cambodia's construction industry saw some spectacular growth rates however the global recession has highlighted the country's susceptibility to external risks and the lack of support provided by its poor business environment. We estimate that the construction sector shrank 5.8% in 2009 and will contract a further 2.1% in 2010.


Growth is expected to return from 2011 onward; however, rates will be significantly lower than the 19% year-on-year (y-o-y) growth seen in 2008. Average growth from 2010 to 2014 will be 6.7% y-o-y taking the industry value to just under US$1bn.

Project financing has started to trickle back into the country with a number of projects announced at the start of 2010. China has a strong interest in Cambodian ventures. One of the largest Chinese power companies, Huadian Corp., signed an agreement for the construction of a US$558mn hydropower plant in January 2010. This follows an engineering, procurement and construction (EPC) contract the company signed with Cambodia Energy in December 2009, for the construction of two coal-fired power plants in Cambodia.

In terms of its business environment Cambodia remains seriously disadvantaged compared with its regional peers. Widespread corruption and a lack of regulatory enforcement hamper project development at all stages and provide downside risk for investors. Overall Cambodia scores only 27 for its business environment placing it last in our ratings for the Asia Pacific region. Similarly in terms of project financing the country faces issues; however, strong growth rates resulting from Cambodia weak base position ensure that investment continues to appear higher in ratings.

The country's immediate development path is far from simple with many obstacles to overcome before the country becomes a secure investment environment. However, closer links to regional neighbours, in particular China, are likely to drive movement towards an improved regulatory system. Cambodia's aim of joining the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN)-China free trade agreement in 2015, will drive further improvements.

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Appeal for Funds to Help Van Nath, S-21 Survivor, for medical bills



Dear Friends

Please allow me to send you this urgent call for help.

Vann Nath whom you all know as a S-21 survivor, a painter and a restless and dedicated witness of the Khmer Rouge regime atrocities has been admitted on Tuesday to the emergency unit at Calmette Hospital, in Phnom Penh: This is the only institution which seems to be able to treat the bowel (duodenom) and stomach haemorrhage he is suffering from (though, I am not in position to give you further details).

Vann Nath is fighting for his life, and his wife and children stand by him. However, their financial resources cannot sustain such medical costs for long.

With Vann Nath's agreement, I am therefore sending this appeal for funds in order to help his family to pay for medical bills and to support them through such painful struggle. Whatever the amount, any donation you may send will show your solidarity and support to him and his family.

I am very grateful for any contribution you may give.

Donations can be sent in a sealed envelope to Elen Gallien, at the Bophana Center (n°64 street 200). She is in charge of collecting all donations until Saturday included. Her telephone number is 092 132 718.

I truly thank you for your help.

Morover, if any of you's blood type is A+ or O+ and is willing to donate their blood, please give me your contact details so that we can contact you whenever that might be necessary.

Best wishes and many thanks,

Rithy Panh

Phone in Cambodia: 855-012-793-633
Phone in US: 917-671-7120
Back-up Email: lamcgrew@hotmail.com

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“Srey Krup Leak” Cambodian woman auction: Asking price starting from $1 million

By Koh Ekareach
Koh Santepheap
Translated from Khmer by Boros Min Krup Leak (?) Heng Soy
Click here to read the article in Khmer

Heng Soy's naughty question: "At $1 million, how much is the cost per kilo?" ;)



Miss Nuon Neang Lom-orng, a beautiful woman, coming from a well to do family, having the quality of perfect modern household wife with high knowledge, completing her study abroad, knowledgeable about art, music, classical songs, born in a highly honorable family. She received a lot a marriage proposals from all sources, and [this predicament] let Chumteav Nuon Voraneath, [her mother], have difficulties making the decision as to who she should hand over her daughter, therefore, she decided to auction off her daughter with the aim of using 50% of the auction proceed to donate to an orphanage and old people foundations in Cambodia.

Condition for the auction:

The auctioneer must be well off, have good standing name in the society, still single (not married yet or widowed), must take her as his single top wife.

The auction price starts at $1 million. For detailed information, contact phone number: 012 802 718, or email: sambath_art@yahoo.com

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Wednesday, April 28, 2010

Cambodian journalist released from prison in amnesty

CPJ



New York, April 27, 2010—The Committee to Protect Journalists welcomes the April 13 release from prison of Hang Chakra, editor and publisher of the opposition-aligned Khmer Machas Srok daily newspaper in Cambodia.


He was granted a royal pardon after serving nine months of a one-year sentence on a “criminal disinformation” conviction over a series of critical articles on alleged high-level government corruption. He was among 43 prisoners given amnesty ahead of Cambodia’s mid-April Buddhist New Year celebrations.

According to the Phnom Penh Post, Hang Chakra wrote to Prime Minister Hun Sen on July 8 to apologize and pledged not to report on government corruption in the future if he was released. The English-language daily newspaper quoted Hang Chakra’s letter saying that he had “repeatedly failed to act properly and seriously.”

But since his release, Hang Chakra has stated publicly his intention to continue publishing Khmer Machas Srok, which, according to news reports, recently suspended publication for financial reasons. The newspaper is affiliated with the opposition Sam Rainsy Party, whose eponymous leader was recently stripped of his parliamentary immunity and fled into exile in France.

“Hang Chakra never should have been imprisoned in the first place on these trumped-up charges,” said Shawn Crispin, CPJ’s Senior Southeast Asia Representative. “Prime Minister Hun Sen has failed to uphold his pledge to stop jailing journalists for their reporting.”

Cambodian King Norodom Sihamoni had written to Hun Sen in October last year calling for Hang Chakra’s release, but his request was refused for unknown reasons.

Hun Sen’s ruling Cambodia’s People’s Party (CPP) maintains strong editorial influence over the country’s mainstream print and broadcast media, which seldom publishes or airs reports critical of top level officials in his administration. His government recently cracked down on freedom of expression, including among parliamentarians, after a period of relative openness.


EDITOR'S NOTE: Hang Chakra's name has been corrected.

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Recession shows need for Cambodian garment factories to diversify – UN agency


27 April 2010 – The global downturn has shed light on the need for Cambodian garment factories to both expand and diversify their markets to include those in Asia to reduce reliance on those in the United States and the European Union, according to a new report by the United Nations labour agency.


Nearly 90 per cent of the 66 factory managers surveyed reported having been adversely affected by the economic crisis, listing falling export orders, heightened pressure to reduce prices and the increased cost of inputs as the three main pressures they are facing.

The report by the International Labour Organization (ILO) said the recession has also exposed the need to look into boosting domestic demand for Cambodian garments.

The industry is almost entirely owned by foreigners and is export-oriented, and factories hire, on average, 700 workers and specialize in one of the following areas: T-shirts, jeans, pants, sportswear, underwear and pyjamas.

The ILO found that production-level workers have borne the brunt of job losses, while managers and other non-production staff have not been as severely affected.

A study released earlier this year found that factory closures or cutbacks due to reduced orders have forced many garment workers out of a job, with one in 10 unemployed workers having lost their positions two or more times last year and most still looking for work.

Today’s publication reported that only 5 per cent of factories exporting their products have provided assistance – in the form of counselling and help in securing new employment – to the workers they terminated.

It also pointed out the renewed urgency now for Cambodia to “develop a reliable and cost efficient electricity supply, for the benefit of all businesses,” including the garment industry, since high power costs are impeding the regional competitiveness of its garment firms.

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Linguist races to save a dying language spoken in Cambodia

With no more than 10 speakers remaining of S'aoch, a language spoken on Cambodia's sea shore, French linguist Jean-Michel Filippi is in a race against time to preserve a disappearing culture.

Rich Clabaugh/Staff

By Jared Ferrie, Correspondent
Samrong Loeu Village, Cambodia

In halting, creaky tones, the elderly chief of this tiny community spoke in his indigenous language, S'aoch, an ancient tongue linguists predict will be extinct within a generation.

Noi, who goes by a single name, is one of 10 still fluent in S'aoch, and this village of 110 people is the last vestige of a disappearing culture.

S'aoch is one of about 3,000 languages endangered worldwide, according to the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization: One of them disappears about every two weeks. In Cambodia alone, 19 languages face extinction this century.

READ: The world's 18 most endangered languages

In this impoverished country where one-third of the population lives on less than $1 a day, saving a dying language is a low priority. One of the S'aoch's few allies is Jean-Michel Filippi, a French linguist who has learned their language and transcribed about 4,000 of its words over the past nine years.

"Once a language disappears, a vision of the world disappears," says Mr. Filippi, explaining his commitment to preserving S'aoch.

His task is made harder by the fact that the S'aoch do not share his fascination. They associate their language with poverty and exclusion from Cambodian society, which is ethnically and linguistically Khmer.

"We don't use our language, because we S'aoch are taowk," said Tuen, the chief's son, using the Khmer word meaning "without value."
Khmer Rouge dealt fatal blow

Perhaps the fatal blow to the S'aoch was the Khmer Rouge, whose policies caused the deaths of up to 2 million people between 1975 and 1979. The communist regime uprooted Cambodians from their homes and forced them into labor camps. The S'aoch were pushed from their land and prohibited from using their native tongue. "They said we couldn't speak our language or we would be killed," says Noi, drawing his finger across his neck, during an interview in his wooden house perched on stilts about five feet above the ground.

The S'aoch who survived settled here, near the coast, where some of them had been taken by the regime.

The loss of their land signaled the death of their culture because the S'aoch were no longer self-sufficient and instead survived by selling their labor, which plunged them into poverty. Since their animist beliefs were intrinsically linked to the land, Filippi says the S'aoch also lost the core of their cultural identity.

Two nongovernmental organizations, International Cooperation Cambodia and Care, are working to preserve minority culture by incorporating four minority languages into 25 schools in rural, indigenous communities. The Education Ministry cooperates with those programs, though they do not include S'aoch.

Filippi says there are at least five indigenous groups in Cambodia with 500 members or fewer. With only minimal support for preserving their languages, they are likely to follow the S'aoch into obscurity, their "unique view" of the world forever cast into the void of undocumented history.

"The fact is [the S'aoch] lost everything," Filippi says. "And the language is going to be lost in a few years as well. They might just remain a mystery forever."

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CAMBODIA: Strict penalties planned for acid attacks

ARIN Asia

Keo Srey Vy, 36, lives at the Cambodian Acid Survivors Charity in Phnom Penh and is dependent on their care. She was attacked with acid by brother-in-law while she was at the restaurant where she worked as a cook

PHNOM PENH, 28 April 2010 (IRIN) - Keo Srey Vy’s brother-in-law had been planning to sell his child so he could buy a new motorbike. When she threatened to tell the police, he went to the restaurant where she worked as a cook and doused her face with acid.


She reported the attack to police, but gave up after they demanded a bribe to investigate.

“I didn’t consider revenge, but I wanted a law that would catch him and bring him to justice, and that law did not exist,” Keo Srey Vy, who is severely scarred, told IRIN. A year after the attack, she may have reason for hope.

While countries such as Bangladesh and India have enacted severe laws and banned the open sale of chemicals, Cambodia had not taken any serious steps to curb the crime.

Under a new draft law on the use and management of acid, perpetrators of acid attacks would receive life sentences, the government said. Attacks resulting in minor injuries would come with a minimum five-year sentence.

“The law that we have today is not enough,” Interior Ministry spokesman Khieu Sopheak said. “I think that stronger punishment will make them [perpetrators] more afraid of the law.”

Statistics on acid attacks are unreliable since many cases go unreported. For most years since 2000, the Phnom Penh-based Cambodian Acid Survivors’ Charity (CASC) recorded 12-24 attacks. But between December 2009 and January 2010, 11 cases were recorded, raising the national profile of the problem.

Comprehensive law

The new law, according to the drafting committee, includes improved medical care and social integration programmes for survivors. The opening of a state-run medical centre for acid survivors is also being considered, although funding resources remain unclear.

Drafting committee deputy chairman Ouk Kimlek, who is also deputy national police commissioner, told local media the committee was planning to create “an acid foundation to generate money from all sources and NGOs to help provide skills and capital for them”. He did not elaborate on the level of the government’s contribution.

Rights groups believe acid attacks abound in part because the caustic chemicals are readily and cheaply available. The draft law thus stipulates that importers and sellers of acid have to be at least 20 years old and licensed to carry out any transaction involving the chemical.

To assist police in criminal investigations, vendors would also have to record the details of anyone who buys acid. Retailers who fail to comply would be subject to fines and lose their licence to sell the product.

Enforcement

Local rights and survivors’ groups hailed the legislation as a necessary step in curbing attacks but sceptics questioned the government’s ability to ensure police enforcement of the new law.

“We have impunity in Cambodia for rape and murder; most victims are paid compensation, or the criminal is never caught,” Pung Chhiv Kek, president of the local rights group Licadho said. “If you have a good law but it’s not enforced, it’s useless.”

Illegal out-of-court settlements are common practice in Cambodia, and rights groups say they undermine efforts to discourage the crime.

“They pay US$200 or $300, which is hardly anything. When you have to eat, buy medicine, feed your family, [financial compensation] is never enough,” said Chhun Chenda Sophea, CASC’s programme manager. “They need to enforce the law strictly. If it’s being enforced, then people will be scared of committing the crime.”

Interior Ministry spokesman Khieu Sopheak agreed, saying the new legislation needed to coincide with an effort to “make the court system more responsible”.

The government has yet to set a deadline for completion of the final draft, which needs approval from two government offices, followed by a vote at the National Assembly.

Meanwhile, Keo Srey Vy sold her home to pay her medical fees, and now, at 36, she depends on the CASC. Three of her children live with her mother, and another boards with an NGO.

“I was very happy to hear about this new law because it can help reduce this crime,” she said. “I believe that if people know about the law, they wouldn’t dare attack people.”

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Cambodia tells diplomats it is no 'banana republic'

AFP

Impovrished children play in the Boeng Kak slum community, Phnom Penh where poverty affects many people

PHNOM PENH — The Cambodian government has told all foreign diplomatic envoys to avoid criticising the country, insisting it is not a "banana republic", in a letter seen by AFP Wednesday.


The foreign ministry letter sent to all diplomatic missions in Cambodia asked them to "avoid interfering in the internal affairs" of the country, regardless of the power of their home nations.

"There have been many occasions, in which some heads of diplomatic missions behaved like a 'proconsul' of his/her country to the Kingdom of Cambodia. They indulged themselves to criticise or to give lessons to the Royal Government of Cambodia," the letter said.

"Such behaviours are not acceptable for Cambodia as a sovereign country and a member of the United Nations. Cambodia is not a BANANA REPUBLIC," it added.

Asked about the letter dated April 26, foreign ministry spokesman Koy Kuong told AFP it was issued to remind all diplomats not to "exceed the limit of their mandate".

Cambodia last month threatened to expel a United Nations envoy if UN agencies continued "unacceptable interference" in the country.

The move came after UN agencies in Cambodia urged "a transparent and participatory" process as parliament debated an anti-corruption law that was criticised by the opposition and rights groups.

Ranked one of the world's most corrupt countries, Cambodia passed the anti-graft law in parliament on March 11, more than 15 years after legislation was first proposed, but only days after the draft was shared publicly.

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Vietnamese Immigrants Carry on a Cajun Food Tradition

The New York Times
By JOHN T. EDGE

Melissa Pham works at Crawfish Shack Seafood, her family’s restaurant in Atlanta, where boiled potatoes and crayfish have been cooked with Cajun spices and lemon grass, an Asian flavoring.

HIEU PHAM serves about a ton of Louisiana crayfish each week here at the Crawfish Shack Seafood, boiling them in a slurry of commercial seasoning mix, garlic cloves, orange wedges and lemon grass stalks.

Cast nets hang from the acoustical-tile ceiling of the strip-mall restaurant, located behind his father’s auto-repair shop along a multiethnic corridor north of downtown. Cans of Café Du Monde coffee sit by the register, and Louis Armstrong plays in heavy rotation.


His father was raised in Vietnam, his mother in Cambodia. Mr. Pham, born 27 years ago in Grady Memorial Hospital in downtown Atlanta, calls himself a “real Georgia peach.”

But like an increasing number of Vietnamese restaurateurs across the country, he sells his customers a vision of Louisiana culture, accessorized by heaping bowls of crayfish. (Or, as they are called regionally, crawfish.) At least two other counter-service crayfish cafes in Atlanta are owned by Vietnamese or Cambodian families. Vietnamese-owned crayfish restaurants, built around liberal interpretations of Louisiana, are now suburban fixtures in Texas, California and elsewhere.

When thousands fled Indochina after the end of the Vietnam War, many ended up in Louisiana. Now, for the children of those refugees, the Gulf Coast, fringed by seafood-rich wetlands, can be a kind of second homeland.

Crayfish are not commonly consumed in Vietnam, said Andrea Nguyen, a California author of books on Southeast Asian food, but eating boiled shellfish “is a social activity among Vietnamese people.”

“Crawfish eating is visceral,” she said. “Vietnamese people like to pick at their food, to peel and eat with their fingers.”

In California some crayfish restaurants advertise themselves as quan nhau, or casual restaurants.

In southwestern Louisiana, restaurants that specialize in crayfish are often known as boiling points. Many rural boiling points, which have existed since the 1950s, are rudimentary, with concrete floors and bare wood or laminate tables.

The crayfish, which are cooked in giant pots over propane flames along with potatoes and ears of corn, arrive on plastic or metal trays. Waiters and waitresses tally orders by weight. Beer is the drink of choice. Rolls of paper towels anchor each table.

A similar, but more expansive, ethic applies at the Vietnamese-owned crayfish restaurants that began opening in Houston around 2000, and a few years later in Southern California.

Hank’s Cajun Crawfish, on Bellaire Boulevard on the west side of Houston, in a storefront with tinted windows and glaring neon, is one of a half-dozen or more Vietnamese-owned urban boiling points in that Gulf Coast city.

The frills are few. Hot sauces from three continents crowd the tables. Mardi Gras beads drape the refrigerator.

Its owner, Tony Bu, learned the trade from relatives with New Orleans roots. His boil is a traditional concoction, flavored with a commercial Cajun seasoning mix. But Mr. Bu drenches some of his crayfish in garlicky margarine and serves them in clear plastic bags. He dishes up crayfish fried rice, too.

A margarine drench and bag service are not characteristic of boiling points in Louisiana; nor is a make-your-own swab of lime juice, black pepper and salt, which recalls the traditional Vietnamese dip called muoi tieu chanh.

While flavored butter or margarine is sometimes an option in Houston, at Los Angeles-area crayfish restaurants owned by Vietnamese, it’s usually standard.

Boiling Crab in Garden Grove, Calif., which Dada Ngo and her husband, Sinh Nguyen, opened in 2003, now has eight locations in the state and beyond. All tout their finishing sauces, including a buttery blend of garlic, lemon pepper and Cajun spice mix known as the Whole Sha-Bang.

The ethnic background of the owners is downplayed. The Boiling Crab Web site portrays Mr. Nguyen as a beer-drinking good ol’ boy from Seadrift, Tex. Ms. Ngo, his Kansas-born bride, goes by the handle Yo’ Mama.

Boiling Crab was a pioneer. In the years since it opened, its success has inspired a dozen or more competing businesses, including Claws, also in Garden Grove. A pirate-themed restaurant owned by a Vietnamese family and decorated with life-size swashbuckler mannequins, Claws serves a sauce-smothered style of crayfish as well as nontraditional dishes like periwinkle snails simmered in coconut-basil sauce.

Mr. Pham, of Atlanta, is not a fan of margarine- or butter-slicked crayfish.

“I want my flavor to be in the crawfish meat,” he said, sounding like a third-generation Cajun purist. “Not on the shell. You’re not supposed to get the flavor when you lick your fingers.”

He learned to love crayfish in Louisiana. Like many Christian youths there, Mr. Pham spent long summer stretches at church camps, including an annual Vietnamese Baptist gathering, often held in New Orleans.

Following the lead of Vietnamese campers from Louisiana, he learned how to clean crayfish and how to season the water in which they cook.

Mr. Pham, who once studied to be an interior designer, sets the scene well. He stocks his shelves with Louisiana-produced étouffée and beignet mixes and emphasizes the Cajun Country origins of his crayfish. But his efforts don’t amount to gimmickry.

The foods that emerge from this small kitchen staffed by his family, including his mother, Hoe Pham, taste like honest tributes to Louisiana, filtered through the life experiences and cooking repertories of Southeast Asian immigrants.

Nuoc mia, sugar-cane juice pressed to order from Louisiana cane, is on the menu. So are spring rolls threaded with Louisiana shrimp.

Mr. Pham sources his oysters, crabs and shrimp from Gulf Coast waters. “We don’t believe in imported stuff,” he said.

Mr. Pham is not, however, beholden to Vietnamese or Louisianan measures of authenticity. He respects the New Orleans bread-baking traditions that make possible the po’ boy. But he prefers Amoroso brand bread from Philadelphia, loaves more often associated with cheese-steak sandwiches.

“I’m not trying to do it just like them,” Mr. Pham said, speaking of his friends back in Louisiana. “I’ve got to find my own way, too.”

Customers recognize the link between Vietnam and Louisiana even as they make sport of it.

For Jeff Cook, a music promoter, Mr. Pham’s fried crayfish po’ boys brought to mind the raucous processions behind New Orleans’s brass band parades.

Using the local name for those celebrations, tongue planted firmly in cheek, Mr. Cook gave a nod and a wink to tradition. “Not many people know it,” he said, “but the Vietnamese are very famous for their ‘second lines.’ ”

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Aborted Cambodian 'eco resort' leaves nothing but cleared land

Eco resort project near a remote waterfall is dumped by developers and now looks like being anything but environmentally friendly

An eco resort in Cambodia, construction of which involved the removal of swaths of trees and the building of a road in forest land, has been cancelled, according to the Phnom Penh Post.


The Sar Lar Investment company had already spent US$2 million of the total projected US$6 million project budget clearing forest and constructing a road to develop the Bou Sra Waterfall Eco Resort in Mondulkiri province, Cambodia, before pulling out of the project because of "capital concerns," the paper reported.

One of the largest waterfalls in Cambodia, the Bou Sra site is popular with tourists and has seen an increase in visitors over the last year, but the area only has one guest house and various stores. Located in the country's south east, the site is about a 45 minute drive from the city of Sen Monorom, around 400 km from the capital Phnom Penh.

Mann Sinoeun, chief of the cancelled eco resort and representative of the Sar Lar Investment Co, was quoted in the Phnom Penh Post as saying, “We decided to stop the project investment on March 20 because the housing development business of Okhna Sar Lar in Phnom Penh cannot sell anything. That is why we don’t have enough of a budget to continue the project,” he said

“We have already completed a garden and a set of stairs down to the Bou Sra waterfall from the top,” Sinoeun added.

For now, the Mondulkiri Tourism Department will take care of the site until another investor comes along. As for when that will be, it is unclear. It is also uncertain how much of the forest has been cut down, and what will happen to that land if no new investors are found.
Earlier problems

Back in October of 2009, there was concern by Mondulkiri Tourism Department Director Ngin Sovimean, that the construction was going too slowly as only the garden and stairs were being worked on at the time. Regardless, Sovimean said, "I think that the company is committed to fulfilling this project."

Cambodia.com made mention of the planned resort before it was cancelled, saying Sar Lar Investment Co "has assured nearby villagers that the five-year project will not be disruptive to the environment as no forests are to be cut down for the development. Instead, Sar Lar hopes to make it an ecotourist undertaking which will create around 100 jobs for the ethnic minorities."
The Mondulkiri Tourism Department could not be reached for comment.

Read more: Aborted Cambodian 'eco resort' leaves nothing but cleared land | CNNGo.com http://www.cnngo.com/explorations/none/clearing-forests-failed-ecotourism-resort-548724#ixzz0mK8uTUu8

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Cambodia lifts ban on marriages to South Koreans

News Aus.Com



CAMBODIA has overturned a ban imposed last month on South Koreans marrying its nationals, after introducing new rules to combat human trafficking, the foreign ministry said.

CAMBODIA has overturned a ban imposed last month on South Koreans marrying its nationals, after introducing new rules to combat human trafficking, the foreign ministry said.

Cambodia brought in the temporary ban after a matchmaker was sentenced to 10 years in jail for bringing 25 women from the countryside in an attempt to broker marriages with South Korean men.

Phnom Penh decided to lift the suspension after introducing changes including a requirement for couples to be together at all times during the marriage process, foreign ministry spokesman Koy Kuong said.

"These regulations will prevent human trafficking and fake marriages," Koy Kuong told AFP.

The number of Cambodian women marrying Korean men more than doubled from 551 in 2008 to 1372 last year, according to a March report from South Korean news agency Yonhap.

Cambodia previously imposed a temporary ban on foreign marriages in 2008 to prevent human trafficking, amid concerns over an explosion in the number of brokered unions involving South Korean men and poor Cambodian women. That ban followed an International Organisation for Migration report that said many Cambodian brides suffered abuse after moving to South Korea in marriages hastily arranged by brokers who made large profits.

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The restriction was lifted about eight months later after new laws were introduced to prevent women becoming mail-order brides.

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Cambodian leader says cash was for social fund



THE Cambodian Prime Minister has denied that BHP Billiton paid a large bribe for an exploration contract in his country.

It was reported last week that the US Securities and Exchange Commission was probing BHP over a $US2.5 million ($A2.7 million) payment related to a project in Cambodia.


But Cambodian leader Hun Sen said the money was for a ''social fund'' established in an agreement between Australia and Cambodia, and was used to build a hydroelectric dam, schools and hospitals.

''These days, they have been saying BHP paid illegal money to Cambodia,'' Mr Hun Sen said.

''Let's see the contract - it was a social fund. It is written in the contract. It is not secret.''

BHP last week said it had evidence of possible corruption involving ''interaction'' with government officials, related to a minerals exploration project terminated last year.

It declined to reveal the location of the project, but said it was not in China, where four staff of rival miner Rio Tinto were jailed for bribery and commercial espionage last month.

BHP has said it paid $US2.5 million to a community in Cambodia's east and $US1 million to the government for bauxite exploration rights, according to reports.

BHP said it handed evidence to the US SEC and was conducting an internal investigation.

AFP

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Tuesday, April 27, 2010

ម៉ម ឡរ៉ា រក្សាសំនាង ប៉ែន រ៉ម



ម៉ម ឡរ៉ា ជាកូនស្រីខ្មែរអាមេរិកាំង រស់នៅក្រុង សាន់ ហូហ្សេ រដ្ឋកាលីហ្វញ៉ា នាងបានបញ្ចេញសំលេង ដ៍ពីរោះជាភាសាខ្មែរ ដោយដកស្រង់បទពី អ្នកស្រី ប៉ែន រ៉ម។ កញ្ញា ម៉ម ឡរ៉ា ជាកូនស្រីរបស់ អ្នកស្រី ម៉ម ធីតា។ ក្រុម គ្រួសារ ម៉ម ធីតា ជាសមាជិក ដ៍សកម្មមួយ នៅក្នុង សហគមខ្មែរ ក្រុង សាន់ ហូហ្សេ ហើយអ្នកស្រីនៅតែស្រឡាញ់សិល្បះខ្មែរ ដែលនាំអោយជះឥទ្ធិពល ដល់កូនស្រីអ្នកនាង។ កញ្ញា ម៉ម ឡរ៉ា ពេលនៅតូច នាងធ្លាប់ចូលហាត់ របាំជាមួយ ក្រុមខ្មែររបាំវប្បធម៌ខ្មែរប្រចាំក្រុង សាន់ ហូហ្សេ ។

សំនាង និង កាយវិការ ក្រមិចក្រម៉ើមរបស់នាង កំពុងតែពេញនិយម ក្នុង យុវវ័យថ្មីរបស់ក្រុមកូនខ្មែរអាមេរិកាំង ។ នាងបានចូលរួមសម្ដែងនៅលើឆាក នៅក្នុងពិធីបុណ្យចូលឆ្នាំខាល នៅក្រុង សាន់ ហូហ្សេ។

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