Cambodia's Premier in Strong Position Ahead of Vote

PHNOM PENH, Cambodia (WSJ) -- Prime Minister Hun Sen, whose party is expected to win re-election here Sunday, is credited by many Cambodians with guiding their country to become one of Asia's newest investment hot spots.

But keeping the economic recovery on track in Cambodia -- a nation best-known for its genocidal 1970s Khmer Rouge regime -- is getting more difficult in the face of a global slowdown, regional competition and entrenched corruption.

Mr. Hun Sen opened Cambodia's doors to foreign investors and has overseen notable improvements in living standards. Economic growth has surged 10% or more annually in recent years, driven by an influx of investment funds, property speculators and a few big multinationals, including Chevron Corp. and BHP Billiton.

Phnom Penh, the capital, recently got a new fleet of metered taxis, and it soon will have its first skyscrapers, including a 42-story luxury condominium tower rising up next to an office for a national antileprosy campaign. In brochures, the project's South Korean developers compare the building -- which boasts a grass-covered "sky park" on its 10th floor -- to Manhattan's Time Warner Center.

But attracting a lot more investment will depend on Cambodia overcoming its reputation as one of the world's most corrupt countries. It ranks among the worst on Transparency International's annual list of graft-ridden nations, with 72% of its residents reporting they paid at least one bribe in the past year -- roughly on par with Cameroon and Albania. Opposition leaders and others say a more pervasive rule of law is needed to sustain the boom by making Cambodia attractive to blue-chip foreign investors who currently prefer countries such as Thailand or Vietnam.

Many economists believe Cambodia's miniboom is already fading. Growth has been fueled by just a few sectors -- notably tourism, construction and garment manufacturing. Inflation is soaring, pushed by higher fuel and food prices, and the new garment factories around Phnom Penh are facing new competition as China expands its textile output and global demand slows.

The International Monetary Fund predicts growth of Cambodia's economy will slow to about 7% this year, in part because of slowing garment exports.

Mr. Hun Sen has "delivered political stability, and that has translated into economic growth," says Arjun Goswami, country director for the Asian Development Bank in Phnom Penh. But, he adds, "the story is going to get more difficult for Cambodia."

Economic issues have played an important part in the election campaign. "The kind of growth we are having now is not sustainable or equitable," contends Sam Rainsy, a French-educated former finance minister who leads a prominent opposition party. Much of Cambodia's economic activity, he notes, involves illegal businesses or black-market operations: illicit logging, land speculation, gambling and prostitution. Such businesses thrive, he says, because of a political system permeated with graft.

Ruling-party leaders have dismissed some allegations of graft as exaggerated, and promised to pass legislation to rein in corruption in the future.

Though small, Cambodia could become a major investment site. It has significant deposits of bauxite, gold and other minerals, and energy companies have recently found sizable oil deposits off its coast. The country also has large areas of arable land that could be developed for rice and other crops to help meet Asia's growing demand.

Much of that potential was squandered as Cambodia suffered through wars and atrocities in recent decades. Cambodia became independent from French colonial rule in the 1950s, but was bombed heavily by U.S. forces during the Vietnam War. It later fell to the Khmer Rouge, a home-grown Maoist rebel group whose leaders, including the notorious Pol Pot, outlawed money and private property in a disastrous bid to create a nation of agricultural collectives. Some 1.7 million people -- about a fifth of the population at the time -- died of illness or starvation or were killed.

Invading Vietnamese forces eventually ousted the Khmer Rouge and installed Khmer Rouge defectors, including Hun Sen, in a new government. He became prime minister in 1985. A battle-hardened soldier-turned-politician -- he lost an eye in combat -- Mr. Hun Sen survived Cambodia's transition to nominally democratic rule in 1993 and has since fended off all challengers to his rule, including a violent coup in 1997 against a rival with whom he shared power.

Despite his government's reputation for corruption and its strong authoritarian streak, Cambodians re-elected Mr. Hun Sen's party in 1998 and 2003, and he has remained popular among many Cambodians who believe the country is better off than it was a decade ago.

A party victory in Sunday's national parliamentary elections would give him another five years in power. Now in his late 50s, he has said he plans to stay in power until he is 90 years old. In a speech earlier this year, he said, "I wish to state it very clearly this way: No one can defeat Hun Sen. Only Hun Sen alone can defeat Hun Sen."

To sustain popular support, the government has rebuilt schools and repaired roads, in part with money provided by foreign donors. It has also made it easier for foreigners to visit and invest in the country, stoking a surge in tourist arrivals and hotel and office construction.

Mr. Hun Sen's party "has done a lot to improve the country," says Sokna Tea, a 20-year-old finance student who was hanging out one recent afternoon near a new $1 billion property development expected to include a 52-story tower and convention center. Many Cambodians simply believe Mr. Hun Sen's victory is inevitable or fear that a vote against his government could lead to political unrest.

Despite some reports of campaign-related violence, independent election observers say they expect the vote to be fair, and campaigning for the dozen or so parties contesting the vote has been vigorous. Mr. Hun Sen's political organization, the Cambodian People's Party, is backed by many of the country's wealthiest tycoons and has deep pockets, allowing it to vastly outspend the smaller opposition groups.

Some economic analysts say controlling Cambodia will become harder for Mr. Hun Sen, especially if rising food and energy prices undermine the recent gains in poverty reduction. More than half of Cambodia's population of 14 million is under 21 years old, and many youths are better educated than their parents, meaning they will likely demand more from their government in the future.

"I want something more than stability," says Theary Seng, a social activist in her 30s who has lived in the U.S. and now is the executive director of a Phnom Penh watchdog group known as the Center for Social Development. After all, she says, "North Korea has stability."

Write to Patrick Barta at patrick.barta@wsj.com

Labels: Corruption, CPP, Economic Success, Election, hun sen, Khmer Rouge Tribunal, Sam Rainsy

Cambodian opposition party leader Sam Rainsy (centre) stands on a truck as he greets supporters during an election rally in Phnom Penh on June 26. Cambodia is rising from the ashes of civil war and the brutal legacy of the Khmer Rouge's "Killing Fields," but it remains hobbled by endemic corruption hindering its efforts to escape poverty. (AFP/File/Tang Chhin Sothy)

Labels: Corruption, CPP, Election, hun sen, Sam Rainsy, Sam Rainsy Party

Why Thai-Cambodian temple dispute lingers

Each side has domestic reasons to prolong the conflict.

After a week of saber-rattling over Preah Vihear, which UNESCO recently designated as a World Heritage Site for Cambodia, Thai analysts and Western diplomats say there is a risk that tempers could flare. Neither side wants to be seen backing down, since parties on both sides are using the dispute to further domestic political goals, especially in Thailand.

"Nobody wants to see this dispute escalate," says a Thai military officer, who requested anonymity. "We are doing our best not to let anything happen.... Cambodia understands that the problem arises from domestic political problems in Thailand."

The risk of violence, though, remains slight as the two militaries have a close working relationship. No shots have been fired, and the only injuries came when Thai nationalists clashed last week with local Thai villagers opposed to their campaign against Cambodia's claim to the temple.

Domestic politics fuel conflict

Still, with opposition politicians in both countries playing nationalism cards, the row may prove hard to douse. Five years ago, a rumor that a Thai actress had spoken of taking back Angkor Wat, another temple, sparked anti-Thai riots in Phnom Penh. The Thai Embassy was torched and Thai nationals in Cambodia had to be evacuated by military aircraft.

Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen is campaigning ahead of national elections on Sunday, and opponents who lag far behind in opinion polls have attacked his handling of the row, as well as his lauding of the temple's new status.

A more proximate cause, though, lies in Bangkok. Here, opponents of Prime Minister Samak Sundaravej, who have led months of street protests and lawsuits against his government, have used the issue to accuse it of surrendering sovereignty.

"It doesn't seem too complicated to fix [the dispute]. But Thai politics [are] so polarized that it's being used to accuse the government of selling out the country. Sentiment is high on the Thai side," says Gothom Arya, a peace advocate and chairman of the National Economics and Social Advisory Council, a government think-tank.

At a summit in Singapore, foreign ministers from the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, which groups Thailand, Cambodia, and eight others in the region, called for "utmost restraint" on the border. Cambodia said Sunday that it had written to the UN Security Council about the alleged Thai incursions, but insisted it wasn't trying to involve the UN in bilateral talks, the Associated Press reported.

A history of border disputes

Seemingly minor territorial disputes have long plagued Southeast Asia, whose colonial-era borders overwrote divisions of bygone kingdoms. Singapore and Malaysia have scrapped for years over claims to tiny islands. Thailand fought a brief border war with Laos in the 1980s. For their part, Cambodians are suspicious of Vietnamese designs on its territory, a legacy of both centuries-old rivalry and a period of occupation after Vietnam's 1979 ouster of the genocidal Khmer Rouge government.

Thai nationalists are still smarting over France's delineation of their border with Cambodia, a former French colony, which had ruled Thailand during the heyday of the Angkor period, before shrinking in size. In 1962, the International Court of Justice in The Hague ruled that Preah Vihear belonged to Cambodia, but the status of the surrounding Thai-administered area wasn't determined.

Overlapping interests

Thai nationalists fear that the temple's designation will weaken Thailand's hand, though UNESCO has said that its decision has no bearing on overlapping land claims.

Earlier this month, Thailand's Constitutional Court ruled that the government was wrong when it signed a joint communiqué with Cambodia on the issue without consulting parliament. Foreign Minister Noppadon Pattama later resigned.

Behind the rhetoric is a grinding war of attrition between Mr. Samak and his enemies, whose ongoing street protests are a repeat of events in 2006 that paralyzed Thailand, before former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra was ousted in a coup. Samak is an ally of Mr. Thaksin, who is barred from politics but continues to loom over public life here.

Critics allege that Thaksin is cutting business deals in Cambodia and that his friends in government are smoothing his path. "This is a very sensitive issue on both sides of the border. The [Thai] government should have informed the people from the beginning. The suspicion is that there are dealings under the table," says Kasit Piromya, a former Thai ambassador to Washington and opposition supporter.

For decades, Preah Vihear was off the map as visitors steered clear of war-torn Cambodia. But the surrender of Khmer Rouge troops in the 1990s paved a tourism boom in Cambodia focused on Angkor Wat, the vast temple complex that symbolizes the country's ancient glories. Cambodia hopes to repeat the trick with Preah Vihear.

Until this month, day trippers from Thailand could visit the temple, which sits atop a rocky escarpment that is much harder to ascend from Cambodia. Both countries benefited from this arrangement by levying fees on visitors, but Cambodia eventually plans to channel tourists from its side of the border, capitalizing on its UNESCO designation.

For now, there are no tourists, only soldiers hunkered down around the ruined temple.

Labels: Angkor, Election, hun sen, Preah Vihear

• Take all necessary measures to prevent intimidation, threats and obstruction to campaign activities conducted by political parties and activists;
• Demand that private media abide by the Regulations, Procedures, Principles of Equity and Codes of Conduct;
• Strengthen monitoring activities and complaint settlement mechanisms;
• Promote and encourage observers from non-governmental committees and organizations to help those voters who have difficulties finding their name on the voter list on polling day.

• The murder of Mr. Sout Song, an activist of the Cambodian People’s Party (CPP), in Ong Ta Ek village, Phnom Touch commune, Odong district, Kampong Speu province on July 1, 2008. The Human Rights Party (HRP) also claimed the victim as a member;
• The murder of Mr. Loan Chok, an activist of the CPP, in Prey Kri village, Prey Kri commune, Cholkiri district, Kampong Chhnang province on July 6, 2008. Local authorities and human rights organizations believe that these two cases were not politically motivated, but rather related to resentment and land disputes.
• The assassination of Mr. Khim Katsarin, also known as Mr. Khim Sambo, 47, a SRP-affiliated journalist for Moneaksekar Khmer newspaper, and his son, Katsarin Cheata, 21, on the night of July 11, 2008, in the centre of Phnom Penh. Two unidentified gunmen fired shots, killing the two victims when they were leaving the Olympic Stadium after exercising. The Cambodian Human Rights Action Committee (CHRAC) believes that the murder of Mr. Khim Sambo was related to his profession, as most of his newspaper articles focused on political disputes, irregularities in the electoral process, destruction of the forest, illegal fishing and land grabbing, in which high-ranking government officials were involved.

• An alleged attempt to assassinate Mr. Oum Sara, a commentator for the Candle Light Radio Program organized by the SRP in Phnom Penh municipality on July 6, 2008;
• 16 cases of threats of murder or physical harm in Siem Reap, Battambang, Kampong Cham, Kampong Thom, Kampong Speu, Kampot, Svay Rieng, Prey Veng and Otdar Meanchey provinces, among others. The majority of the victims were members of the SRP, the Norodom Ranariddh Party (NRP) and the HRP. Most of the alleged offenders were local authority officials or CPP supporters;
• In comparison with previous months, the electoral period has seen a notable increase in the number of thefts, muggings and robberies, causing people to feel more afraid. Most of these cases have taken place in Phnom Penh municipality, Kampong Cham, Battambang, Siem Reap, Prey Veng, Svay Rieng, Kandal and Takeo provinces. In the whole month of May 2008, there were 64 cases of robbery, theft and mugging. By the end of the first two weeks of July, there had already been 41 cases of such offenses.

• Six cases of gift giving to buy votes, two of which occurred in Kampong Chhnang province, two in Siem Reap province, one in Prey Veng province and one in Pursat province;
• Numerous cases of confiscating political party leaflets and destruction of party billboards – both of which are election campaign violations – mostly in Battambang, Banteay Meanchey, Kampot, Kampong Cham, Kandal, Prey Veng and Stung Treng provinces and Phnom Penh municipality. When it comes to permitting political parties to hand out their leaflets and put up their posters, ordinary people are more amenable than commune and village authorities, even in cases where parties do not have the prior approval of the home owners involved. The party that has handed out and put up the most leaflets, posters and slogans is the CPP, followed by the SRP, the HRP, the NRP and Funcinpec;
• Two cases of disenfranchisement of Funcinpec members by authorities in Banteay Meanchey;
• Four cases related to provocation and obstruction to party campaign activities. One example of obstruction was when HRP representatives were prevented from conducting their campaign activities by a group of security guards at O’Russei Market in Phnom Penh;
• Authorities, civil servants and armed forces personnel in almost all 24 provinces/municipalities are still not acting in a politically neutral manner when exercising their official duties. COMFREL observed that many government officials from the various ministries/departments did not fulfill their administrative duties in first two weeks of July. Moreover, several village chiefs and local authority actors have opposed and obstructed party campaign activities.

• Seven cases related to vote buying;
• Nine cases related to participation of public and religious officials in party campaign activities;
• 19 cases related to election campaign disturbance;
• 31 cases related to destruction of election campaign materials/equipment;
• 16 cases related to disturbance and/or threats, including attempted murder;
• 20 cases related to defamation and/or insults;
• 12 cases related to general violation of regulations and procedures;
• One case related to the use of a public building by a political party;
• One case in which an administrative police chief asked for the names of political party agents and members (it is unclear whether this is a violation of election law).

• Mr. Koul Panha, COMFREL Executive Director, Tel: 012 942 017
• Mr. Mar Sophal, COMFREL Head of Monitoring Unit, Tel: 012 845 091

Labels: Comfrel, Election

A Tribunal Worth Paying For

For years, the United States withheld funding from Cambodia's Khmer Rouge war crimes tribunal. Before opening its wallet, Washington insisted that the court meet international standards for fairness and anticorruption measures. That stance has now paid off, contributing to international scrutiny that has led to dramatic improvements in the tribunal's operations. It's now time for the U.S. to contribute funding and preserve the gains its earlier policy has helped foster.

This matters because the tribunal represents Cambodians' last best hope of healing the wounds they suffered under decades of Khmer Rouge rule. Roughly one in three Cambodians perished under the Khmer Rouge's Maoist experiment to send the country back to what they called "Year Zero." If Cambodia is ever to find its way to economic growth and a stable, democratic political system, it's important for its former leaders to stand trial for their alleged crimes. The tribunal's failure would be a blow for the long-suffering Cambodian people themselves, but also for the credibility of the United Nations. And it would be a black mark against the U.S. to stand idly while the tribunal America helped birth 10 years ago falters.

By pouring money into the U.N. Development Program without adequate oversight, donors for too long effectively handed their money straight to the Cambodian side of the tribunal, with predictable results. Auditors have uncovered fiscal problems, serious mismanagement and bloated salaries. The Open Society Justice Initiative, a New York-based NGO, raised serious allegations of widespread corruption and kick-back schemes among Cambodian appointees. After three years of operations, only five defendants are in custody and no trials have begun. The tribunal still lacks a credible anticorruption plan.

But major strides have been made over the past six months. The U.N. has brought in David Tolbert, a former prosecutor with the Yugoslavia tribunal, as its "special expert" to act as a much-needed coordinator between the tribunal, donors and the U.N. It boasts a new management team led by Norwegian lawyer Knut Rosandhaug, a veteran of the U.N.'s mission in the Balkans. Day-to-day judicial operations like filings and hearings increasingly adhere to basic standards of transparency and fairness. And a revised budget features more prudent expenditures, and better controls over where and how donor money is spent.

The biggest threat to consolidation of this progress now is lack of funds moving forward. The tribunal is currently seeking almost $100 million to allow it to complete its mandate. Without additional donor support, the tribunal could close its doors in a matter of weeks. And even if the tribunal did manage to secure adequate funding, the U.S. would have lost its prime leverage to push for improvements.

So far, the desire to address serious U.S. concerns and win its support has been a prime driver of improvements to the tribunal process. More than any other country, the U.S. has consistently expressed skepticism about the Cambodian government's purported efforts to cooperate with the tribunal and has championed transparency and effective anticorruption measures. Mr. Tolbert's appointment was a direct result of U.S. pressure.

That U.S. leverage only works, however, so long as people have reason to believe American money might be forthcoming if participants can satisfy the U.S. concerns. If the U.S. holds back now, despite the progress of the past few months, it will lose this advantage.

In contrast, donating now as the tribunal moves into a new, improved phase of management, would allow the U.S. to bring enormous diplomatic weight to the table. The U.S. then could exert pressure on the Cambodian government and the U.N. to ensure that the tribunal continues to focus on anticorruption policies and meeting international standards.

For example, Mr. Tolbert is crafting such a plan right now, and it would be to America's advantage to maximize its say over the proposal. As a donor the U.S. could offer powerful support to Mr. Tolbert's push to include mechanisms for participants to report suspected corruption (including whistleblower protections), greater anticorruption investigative capacity on the part of the tribunal's management, and changes to the code of conduct for judges that would spell out explicitly what constitutes corrupt activity.

Some of the fiercest opposition to funding the tribunal originates in the U.S. Congress, which is understandable, given the tribunal's troubled history. It's also healthy. The "blank check" approach adopted by the UNDP and other donors created the tribunal's problems in the first place. It is vital that the U.S. not be that naïve, let alone willfully deaf, blind and dumb in its own funding.

Instead, the type of scrutiny and attention that the U.S. could and should bring to the court as a donor will be one of the critical safeguards for progress. Particularly if America becomes a member of the tribunal's steering committee by committing $2 million or more, it will be in a position to play a powerful role in the tribunal's future.

Meanwhile, the U.S. could target its donations to specific budget items, such as victims' rights and witness protection or even the operating budget for the international side of the tribunal, and make payments over time rather than as one lump sum. Washington could use its new leverage to force the tribunal to process cases more efficiently, ensuring proceedings don't drag on for years until already-elderly defendants simply die. The U.S. would also be in a position to mandate independent and transparent accounting procedures that would not only track American dollars but aid in improving the tribunal's operations overall.

The U.S. was instrumental in negotiating the creation of this tribunal 10 years ago, and has all along affirmed its commitment to helping the Cambodian people seek justice. Up to now, the most effective way to do that has been to withhold U.S. money pending reform. But as the tribunal moves into a new phase, and with its management improving, donating will become the more effective tool for the U.S. to follow through on its promise to Cambodia.

Mr. Hall is an associate professor at Chapman University School of Law, in Orange, Calif., and a research fellow at the Center for Global Trade & Development.

Labels: Khmer Rouge Tribunal

Tomb raiders ... every year, more than two million tourists visit Angkor Wat, the 12th century Hindu-Buddhist temple which is synonomous with Cambodia / Reuters

48 hours in Siem Reap

By Masako Iijima July 15, 2008 09:23am

GOT 48 hours to explore the ruins of the ancient Angkor empire? Foreign correspondents with local knowledge can help you make the most of the temples and Siem Reap, the booming tourist town in the shadow of Angkor Wat.

Friday

6 pm: Cocktail hour

Relax on rattan armchairs in the pleasant garden of the Singing Tree Cafe just down the street from the Siem Reap river. It's a nice place for an evening drink or a healthy meal or for those seeking to unwind completely, there's an evening yoga class in the wooden, traditional Khmer house.

8 pm: Starlit temples

Every year, more than two million tourists visit Angkor Wat, the 12th century Hindu-Buddhist temple which is synonomous with Cambodia. By day, flag-waving guides herd package tourists through the world heritage site.

Saturday

7 am: Hit the temples After a quick breakfast, head for the temples. Drive around the Angkor Wat moat to Angkor Thom, the last and capital of the Khmer empire. The Bayon temple, with its 200 enormous faces smiling down on visitors from stone towers is a must-see. The Terrace of the Elephants, the platform from where King Jayavarman VII viewed public ceremonies, is well preserved compared to some of the surrounding temples which need a bit of imagination to appreciate.

11 am: Crafty potters

Go back to Siem Reap to avoid the midday sun. On the way, take a detour on the airport road to the National Centre for Khmer Ceramics Revival, a workshop which seeks to recreate ancient Khmer pottery using clay from the nearby hills, fired in a giant kiln built based on information found by archaeologists researching similar ancient sites.

Watch the potters create giant jars like the ones that are found at archaeolgical digs or try throwing a pot yourself on the primitive potters' wheel the women use and take home a special souvenir.

12.30 pm: Amok for lunch

Siem Reap's food choices have expanded dramatically in recent years. Go to Amok Restaurant, named after the Khmer curry which is made by steaming the coconut-based dish in a banana leaf for a typical Cambodian lunch. Besides the fish amok, the banana flower salad and the green papaya salad – which is similar to the Thai version but without the chillis – are also nice.

1.30 pm: Shopping hour

A good time to wander around the air conditioned shops selling silks and trinkets. Angkor Candles stocks a selection of handcarved candles in the shape of guardian lions, faces of Bayon and other local motifs.

Rajana is a fair trade shop which sells handmade silver jewellery, cushion covers and other knick-knacks. For cotton "krama" or gingham check scarves worn by Khmer Rouge fighters, head to the Old Market where they are sold in every color combination imaginable.

3.30 pm: Try the fried crickets

For a quick and unusual snack, try the fried crickets and other creepy crawlies sold on the bridge spanning the Siem Reap River. Or, for those less adventurous, you can go to the Blue Pumpkin for a banana ginger tart and iced coffee before journeying back to the temples.

4 pm: Play Tomb Raider

If the Angkor temples had not been restored, they would all look like Ta Prohm, located about 1km from Angkor Thom. Trees with enormous roots threaten to swallow the moss-covered walls of this temple and return the monument to the jungle that surrounds it. It's a familiar sight for Tomb Raider fans.

Proceed on to Pre Rup, a 10th century Shiva temple whose sandstone and brick walls glow orange in the late afternoon light. Then, climb up Phnom Bakheng, a temple mountain also dedicated to Shiva, to watch the sun set over what remains of the Angkor empire.

7 pm: Chat up an archeologist

To catch the latest gossip on archaelogical finds, have a drink with the experts. The French team will be at the Laundry Bar in the centre of town. The Japanese, who are the second largest contingent of achaeologists after the French, are usually at Cafe Moi Moi on the road back to town from the temples.

8 pm: Recall colonial Indochina over dinner

Keeping with the Angkor theme, dine at Le Malraux, a bistrot named after writer and statesman Andre Malraux who embarked on an exploratory mission into the Cambodian jungle in the early 1900s and was arrested by French colonial authorites for trying to steal bas-reliefs from one of the Angkor temples. Confit de canard and other things French will help you enjoy the atmosphere of Indochina of bygone years.

10 pm: Chase the neon lights

Night comes early to Siem Reap. But if you follow the neon lights and noise emanating from places like the Sok San Palace and Sokha Entertainment Club, you'll find yourself amid young Cambodians singing, dancing and trying their luck on the poker machines.

Sunday

7.30 am: Try a Khmer breakfast

From dawn, the Old Market is a hive of activity as housewives rush to buy fresh vegetables, meat and fish to feed their families. That is also when the food stalls offer the most choices. Rice porridge, duck noodles and sticky rice steamed in banana leaf packets make an interesting Khmer breakfast.

8 am: Hike with the Hindu gods

Drive out to Kbal Spean or the Valley of the 1000 Lingas. Wear sturdy shoes as it is a bit of a hike to the myriad of stone lingas carved into the riverbed and boulders on the banks. The Angkoreans believed the water passing over the symbols of Shiva would fertilize their rice fields and ensure a bumper crop. There are also carvings of various Hindu motifs depicting gods and sacred animals which have been watching over the water since the 11th century.

1.30 pm: Sunday lunch

Despite the Hindu overtones, there's no Kama Sutra at Kbal Spean. But there is in Siem Reap. The Indian restaurant is one of the classier ones in town and serves both north and south Indian favourites. Try their dosas – very thin and crispy.

2.30 pm: Weave some magic

Cambodia's weaving masters at the Institute of Khmer Traditional Textiles (IKTT) will be back from siesta and at their looms creating silk in intricate ikat designs. You can watch them spin, dye and weave at their workshop on the edge of town.

If you are a textile fanatic, journey to their farm to see silk worms being raised and dyes of different hues being created from tree bark, leaves and other natural sources. The organisation is trying to revive the country's silk traditions which were lost during decades of conflict.

4 pm: Explore village life

Follow the road to the right of IKTT, past the crocodile farm and basket shops, and you will soon be in Roluos, an area that is home to a clutch of 9th century temples.

Ancient architecture buffs can study the structural differences between the Bakong and Preah Ko temples and Angkor Wat, which was built centuries later. Ordinary tourists will enjoy the journey which takes you through villages, rice paddies and herds of water buffalo wallowing in the mud.

6 pm: Massage out those knots

Paved roads are increasing in Cambodia, but many are still spine-jarring dirt tracks. Go to Chai Massage near the road to Angkor Wat and let the masseuse knead the knots away and work out the kinks.

7 pm: G&T o'clock

Tourism exceeds journalism by far in Siem Reap, but there is still an FCC – Foreign Correspondents Club. It's near the river and the garden is the perfect place for a last gin and tonic before the journey home.

Labels: Angkor, Tourism

Labels: CPP, Election, Media bias towards the CPP, SRP

'Selective' Coverage After Murders:

Reporter By Mean Veasna, VOA Khmer
Original report from Phnom Penh
14 July 2008

The murders of an opposition journalist and his son in Phnom Penh Friday night have sent a ripple of self-censorship through his old newspaper, journalists said Monday.

Khim Sambor, 47, and his 21-year-old son, Khat Sarinpheata, were gunned down as they drove on a motorbike near Olympic Stadium Friday evening, just 16 days away from a national election.

Khim Sambor died at the scene, and his son died at a local hospital a few hours later. Both men were cremated in a Buddhist ceremony Sunday.

The killings have meant a change in the way Moneaksekar Khmer will operate, the editor said Monday.

"We don't know if there will be other pressure after the murders. We must be very careful, even for security, and in the work," the editor, Dam Sith, said. "We are afraid that if we write something risky, it could bring us in front of accusations."

Dam Sith was held in jail for a week last month following a story he ran implicating Foreign Minister Hor Namhong as a member of the Khmer Rouge.

He was released when Hor Namhong dropped defamation charges against him, and Dam Sith swore at the time to continue his pro-opposition coverage of the country.

Now, his stories will reflect a more cautious editorial approach. Self-censorship on the meaning of story text and the choice of words will change, he said.

"The murder of Khim Sambor is a serious threat against Moneaksekar Khmer," Dam Sith said. "We are worried now for the whole staff as they are reporting, and when they get back home."

Other Moneaksekar Khmer journalists echoed Dam Sith's concerns.

"We are concerned in accomplishing our jobs," said Vong Sopheak, a reporter for the newspaper. "We don't know what will happen to us, and so we must be more careful. We don't want to have a confrontation. And now we are selective of the information and selective of the topic."

Khim Sambor had covered politics, including the reporting of stories on government corruption, for the newspaper, which is affiliated with the Sam Rainsy Party.

Human rights groups said his murder was likely due to his reporting. Khim Sambor had reported for many years, and focused on conflicts, election irregularities, illegal logging, fisheries crimes, land grabbing, "which are related to powerful Cambodian officials," the Cambodian Human Rights Action Committee said in a statement. His murder was likely related to his reporting, the group said.

The killings were roundly condemned by local and international rights groups.

"Allowing this murder to go unpunished would have a considerable impact on the 27 July elections, and we therefore hope the investigation will produce quick results," Reporters Without Borders said in a statement Saturday.

Moneaksekar Khmer is only one of two opposition newspapers.

A third, Sralanh Khmer, began reporting from a pro-Cambodian People's Party point of view following the defection to the ruling party of its top editor, Thach Keth, who is now a CPP undersecretary of state for the Ministry of Information.

Opposition leader Sam Rainsy called Khim Sambor's killing a political assassination and called for an immediate investigation.

"When one who dares to write or argue against those with absolute power is assassinated, the perpetrators behind the killing are never found nor tried according to the law," he said in a statement Saturday. "This clearly demonstrates the nature of those in power."

Sam Rainsy also called for further investigations into murders of other opposition supporters, including labor leader Chea Vichea, parliamentarian Om Rasadie, "as well as countless numbers of journalists, political activists and others."

Police have made no arrests in Friday's killings.

The US Embassy issued a statement Monday offering the help of its Federal Bureau of Investigation office "if requested by the Cambodian government."

Labels: Election, hun sen, Journalism, journalist, Sam Rainsy Party

Labels: hun sen, Journalism, journalist, Sam Rainsy Party

Labels: Preah Vihear

Labels: Preah Vihear

Labels: Preah Vihear

Labels: Preah Vihear, Unesco

Vietnam: Restore Full Freedom to Buddhist Monk Tim Sakhorn

Human Rights Defender Released from Prison, but Whereabouts Unknown

Source: Human Rights Watch

(New York, July 3, 2008) – The Vietnamese authorities should immediately lift any restrictions on the liberty of Buddhist monk Tim Sakhorn, who was released from prison in Vietnam on June 28, 2008, Human Rights Watch said today. Sakhorn’s whereabouts are unknown. He was last seen in the company of government officials.

Labels: Khmer Krom, Tim Sakhorn

The new Angkor National Museum in Siem Reap has stirred controversy in Cambodia. Above, the exterior of the museum with the "Cultural Mall" on the right.

A New Museum Puts a Thai Imprint on Angkor

SIEM REAP, Cambodia: A common disappointment for visitors to Angkor today is the paucity of sculptural artifacts offered by the site. Without the "furniture" that once graced its magnificent temples, it can be hard to imagine the customs and rituals that animated Cambodia's formidable empire in its heyday.

Of the religious icons that survived looting or appropriation to French museums, many were relocated over decades to Cambodia's National Museum, created in the 1920s by the architect and curator George Groslier. The snag for Angkor-bound tourists in Siem Reap is that the museum is in the capital, more than 300 kilometers, or 185 miles, away.

Now Vilailuck International Holdings, based in Bangkok, has opened what it has opted to call the "Angkor National Museum" only a few kilometers from the Angkor park. Constructed over three years from a Thai design, it is currently displaying objects borrowed from the National Museum in Phnom Penh.

The other source of artifacts is the Conservation d'Angkor, a storage facility of some 6,000 pieces created by the Ecole Française d'Extrème Orient (French School of Asian Studies) in 1908 and currently in the hands of the Cambodian Ministry of Culture. Previously inaccessible, the collection has functioned as a hospital for broken pieces but also contains important Buddhas from several periods, as well as stone steles with invaluable inscriptions.

Thai interest dates to 2001. For 16 years Vilailuck's parent company, the Samart Corporation, has been a major investor in Cambodia in the telecommunications and air traffic control sectors. Charoenrath Vilailuck, the company's CEO, has an acquisitive interest in Cambodia's patrimony as evidenced by his own large collection.

But the new museum has picked up powerful detractors, especially among the tight-knit international restoration community that casts a hypercritical eye over what happens at Angkor.

The name has drawn the most controversy. The vast majority of offerings come either from pre-Angkorian times or from centuries after. Then, as the Siem Reap-based historian Darryl Collins pointed out, an enterprise that is foreign-owned and "primarily interested in turning a profit" can hardly be called national, especially when Cambodia already has a National Museum.

Collins is among those concerned that the new venture will deter tourists from visiting the National Museum in Phnom Penh, with its profusion of Khmer treasures spanning several centuries. For the Cambodian cognoscenti, too, the Angkor National Museum's appearance on the scene seems ominous, especially given centuries-old sensitivities concerning Thai designs on Cambodian patrimony.

Until 1908 Thailand had control not only of Angkor but of large swathes of northern Cambodia. In spite of a 1962 International Court of Justice ruling in Cambodia's favor, its neighbor still disputes the "ownership" of land surrounding the 10th century Preah Vihear temple at Cambodia's northern border and once threatened to veto Unesco's plans to honor the mountain temple with World Heritage Site status, which is still pending. Anti-Thai riots, which claimed the Thai Embassy and several Thai businesses, broke out in Phnom Penh in 2003 after a Thai actress allegedly said Angkor Wat still belonged to Thailand.

The most serious incident occurred in 1999. Large sections of walls with superb bas-relief images of the multi-armed Lokeshvara were looted from the 12th-century Banteay Chhma temple near the Thai border on what was generally assumed to be the orders of a Thai collector. The stolen art was intercepted by Thai police and returned to Cambodia, but suspicions linger.

The museum's design has also provoked some derision. The hint of Angkor Wat's honeycomb towers and its surrounding moats tends to be overshadowed by pink sandstone walls, which clash with its glazed orange corbel-vaulted roofing. It doesn't help that the lion's share of the 20,000-square-meter, or 215,000-square-foot, interior takes the form of retail space or a "Cultural Mall."

"This seems to have been foremost in the mind of the designers, while the collection came second," said Azedine Beschaouch, a special adviser to Unesco's assistant director general for culture and an expert on Angkor.

Anxious to promote the museum as a "learning cultural institute," the Thais are easily stung by such criticism. "We want to educate Cambodian people about their own history," said the museum's managing director, Sunaree Wongpiyabovorn. There are those "who know little about its monuments, and even less of the progress of Buddhism and what led up to it," she added.

Wongpiyabovorn insists there is no fortune to be made from the Angkor National Museum. Given that Vilailuck had to triple its original investment of $5 million due to the cost overruns, the company said it didn't expect to see a profit until at least a third of the 30-year lease has expired; under its "build, cooperate and transfer" contract, the management and financial control of the collection will then revert to the Cambodian authorities and the Ministry of Culture.

Moreover, several complications seem to have left the Thais frustrated, especially with regard to the terms and conditions of the loans. Under the original plan, the Phnom Penh museum's former director, Khun Samen, agreed to hand over as many as 1,000 artifacts - more than 950 hundred of them small 20th-century Buddhas - for the 30-year term, as well as 31 major pieces for a six-month loan.

His successor Hab Touch immediately reduced the 31 pieces to 23. "I am not going to surrender important pieces that should be permanently displayed here for the integrity of the collection," he said.

Another deal signed with the government in 2003 that gave Vilailuck extensive rights to a Conservation d'Angkor collection was threatened when, to the dismay of the Thais, the Cambodian government granted control to a South Korean company calling itself Angkor Treasure. Vilailuck requested that Deputy Prime Minister Sok An "release" the Koreans from the contract. He did, but only on the condition that the Thais agree to compensate the Koreans for an undisclosed sum.

According to Wongpiyabovorn, Unesco "maintains a strong sense of ownership of Cambodia's patrimony." Beschaouch supports the Thai initiative but is impatient about what he called "presentation that cannot claim to reflect international standards in museology." The majority of the wood, stone and silver Buddhas in the gallery of "1,000 Buddha Images," he said, "allude in design to later Ayutthaya-era temples in Thailand and have no aesthetic link with Angkor."

Unesco is engaged with the Angkor museum in improving the situation. But it didn't help that by the time of the grand opening last fall, months behind schedule, not only had most of the Angkor National Museum's artifacts still not been captioned but some copyrighted images had been lifted without permission for display. In the museum's defense, Wongpiyabovorn said that the Conservation d'Angkor's outdated card system of documentation was lost during Pol Pot's reign, leaving many artifacts with few historical records.

Will the museum have been worth the trouble? As it stands today, it will have negligible interest for the connoisseur or serious student of Angkorian art. At $12 compared to $3 for the National Museum in the capital, the price of admission for foreigners is high - the result of high fuel costs for air-conditioning, said the management.

But the museum has its uses. It should be commended for facilitating the display of objects long out of view. And, for a first time, the equinox sunrise simulations over Angkor Wat, the documentary-style videos in seven languages and the like go some way in explaining to visitors the temples' significance.

As for content, the "apsaras" and architectural features like decorated lintels replicate a lot of what is already copiously displayed on site. Yet sculptures from the pre-Angkorian capitals of Sambor Pre Kuk and Phnom Kulen merit attention. The 7th-century Phnom Da Standing Vishnu and the blue-tinted 9th-century Standing Shiva from Prasat Trapeang Phong reveal Cambodia's Hindu and Brahmanist legacy, and there are further galleries devoted entirely to Buddhist Angkor Wat and Angkor Thom and to the devaraja, or god-kings, who built these temples.

The museum insists it needs more time to develop its identity. Although its strength may not yet lie in a permanent collection, it aims to create exhibitions that inform and illuminate. The museum's curator, Chann Charouen, who is Cambodian and a former employee of the World Monument Fund, plans to rotate artifacts in a series of exhibitions from the aforementioned collections and from other Cambodian provincial museums such as those at Battambong and Kompong Cham.

It remains to be seen if the museum will embrace the growing scholarship and broad debates that currently characterize Angkorian studies, or be content to target tourists making an obligatory stop and bound inevitably for the inflated knick-knacks of the Cultural Mall.

Labels: Angkor

• Mr. THUN Saray, President of COMFREL’s Board of Directors, 016 880 509
• Mr. SOK Sam Oeun, Vice President of COMFREL’s Board of Directors, 012 901 199
• Mr. KOUL Panha, Executive Director of COMFREL, 012 942 017

Labels: Election