Editorial | Articles about Cambodia | Khmer

Tuesday, February 13, 2007

In Phnom Penh, Hopefulness Replaces Despair

February 11, 2007
Next Stop

I

T'S a late Saturday afternoon in Phnom Penh, Cambodia, and the waterfront along the Tonle Sap River is the place to be. As clusters of elderly women sit on concrete benches overlooking the water, peddlers set up stands from which they sell slices of fresh pineapple while youngsters on motorbikes deftly weave among the crush of pedestrians. Boat captains yell out to passing couples, offering sunset rides on their tiny wooden vessels, as shirtless children swim or fish in the muddy water. Suddenly, a lone elephant, gently guided by its young handler, majestically makes its way through the crowd.

At this moment, Phnom Penh, the Cambodian capital, seems frozen in time, as the scene in front of you plays out much the way it must have 70 or 80 years ago, when Cambodia was part of French-controlled Indochina and the city was known as the Pearl of Asia. But then you notice the bank of A.T.M.'s in the nearby storefronts, the Internet cafes crammed with fashionably dressed teenagers checking their e-mail, the sleek air-conditioned bars with names like Metro and Heart of Darkness. And all around you, you hear a polyglot of languages — English, French, Korean, Spanish, Chinese — that are a testament to this city's reappearance on the global tourism map.

In fact, after a few days in this city, you notice that Phnom Penh has something of a “next Prague” vibe about it — a place where many young people from around the world, heady with excitement and the thrill of the unknown, are coming to reinvent themselves. At least that is what it feels like as you run into groups of Americans hanging out in one of the cramped nightclubs along Sisowath Quay, or vie with Australian expatriates for a table during the crowded two-for-one happy hour at the Elephant Bar in the Raffles Hotel, or scan page after newspaper page of job listings in the English-language Cambodia Daily.

New high-end restaurants are just around the corner from stalls doing a brisk business selling street food. A stylish boutique hotel — the 10-room Pavilion — has recently opened, bridging the gap between the palatial Raffles and the tiny, bare-bones establishments catering to the backpacker crowd. And the National Museum, which after years of neglect and near-ruin under the Khmer Rouge, is slowly coming back, its incomparable collection of centuries-old Khmer art, including some stunning stone sculptures, now attracting hundreds of visitors a day.

That museum is no sleek tourist attraction, but instead a quiet, largely open-air gathering spot, with overhead fans gently cooling visitors eager to escape the sometimes oppressive midday heat. (Air-conditioning was recently installed in one room for an exhibition of Rodin watercolors from the Rodin Museum in Paris.)

On a recent morning, a visitor to the museum would have encountered a group of young monks sitting quietly in the corner of the lovely contemplative garden, while nearby a mother with a young child took a quick nap, and a British couple played several hands of gin rummy. Meanwhile, French tourists just off a bus busily made their way through the galleries before heading off to the next stop on their itinerary: the Silver Pagoda, a few streets away.

Thanks to the influence of the French, and the easily navigable grid system of wide boulevards and numbered side streets they left behind, Phnom Penh is a highly walkable city. Well, it would be if there were a few more sidewalks and if those that exist weren't crowded with parked motorbikes that make passage almost impossible at times, thrusting the unwary pedestrian out into death-defying traffic. Even the most determined of walkers will eventually give up and hire a tuk-tuk to navigate the city's neighborhoods. (Be sure to negotiate. You'll be surprised at how quickly that first price quoted you — say $4 for a trip from your hotel to the National Museum — is cut in half the moment you show any hesitancy or start looking around for another driver.)

No matter how you get around Phnom Penh — by foot or by tuk-tuk — you will undoubtedly end up at some point at the Foreign Correspondents' Club, commonly called the F.C.C.

The food here is undistinguished (at best), and the toothache-inducing fruity drinks should be passed up in favor of a cold bottle of Angkor Beer. But perhaps the best seat in Phnom Penh is one of the stools in the F.C.C.'s third-floor bar at happy hour. (Yes, happy hour seems to be a big thing here; almost every bar and restaurant in town has one.) Here, as the sun slowly sets behind you, you can watch the action below on the quay slowly shifting from day (vendors hawking their wares, young monks taking a stroll along the waterfront) to night (clubgoers ramping up the energy and noise level).

Sitting at the F.C.C.today, one can barely imagine what Phnom Penh was like in the 1970s, when the country was under the brutal repression of the Khmer Rouge -- a period later immortalized in the film, "The Killing Fields." But a remnant of that past can be found at Tuol Sleng, more commonly known as the genocide museum. No matter what you remember from history books or news reports, nothing can quite adequately prepare you for reality of what Cambodians lived through while under the four-year rule of Pol Pot, when nearly 2 million Cambodians (about a fourth of the country's population) were exterminated.

Set incongruously in a lovely residential neighborhood, the genocide museum brings you up short almost immediately with a sign warning that any loud talking or laughter is strictly forbidden. That warning seems all but superfluous as you enter the first-floor galleries and see the walls covered with black-and-white face shots of the Khmer Rouge's many victims: Most of them, boys and girls alike, are heartbreakingly young. Some, incredibly, even managed a smile for their photographer. Silence seems the only appropriate response.

Upstairs is another photo exhibit of some of the victims, with their life stories recounted by surviving relatives or friends. You want to turn away, but you can't, so you read about the daughter snatched from home and never heard from again, or the son whose mutilated body was found years after he had left for work in the morning. You leave, like the other visitors, somewhat dazed, and find yourself at the nearby Boddhi Tree garden cafe. It looks as if some of the other patrons have sought some post-museum refuge here: More than a few seem to have a stunned look on their faces.

Then, however, it's back out into the daylight, and a leisurely walk back toward the waterfront, passing the ornate homes on Street 57, the shops and cafes on 240, all buzzing with activity, the smell of grilled meat wafting toward you, a snippet of Beyoncé heard in the air.

This, you tell yourself, is Phnom Penh today. And you feel better.

VISITOR INFORMATION

GETTING THERE

Phnom Penh is easily accessible from most major cities in Southeast Asia, with several nonstop flights each day from Bangkok on Thai, Bangkok or Siem Reap Airways. United States citizens need a Cambodian visa to enter the country. Those can be purchased upon arrival at the airport for $20, but you'll need to bring a passport-size photo. The U.S. dollar is accepted for all financial transactions in Cambodia, and most prices are quoted in dollars.

WHERE TO STAY

Raffles Hotel Le Royal, 92 Rukhak Vithei Daun Penh, (855-23) 981-888; www.phnompenh.raffles.com. This elegant 78-year-old hotel, which reopened in 1997 after a major renovation, is one of Phnom Penh's prime gathering spots. On weekends, the lushly landscaped pool area is often crowded with expatriates who come to see friends, catch up on local gossip or just hang out with their children. The Elephant Bar is usually jammed as well, particularly at happy hour, and Le Royal restaurant is one of the prettiest (and most expensive) dining establishments in town. Room prices start at about $260 a night, but deep discounts — particularly on the weekend — are often available if you call the reservations desk directly. The hotel also has a business center, but communication with friends back home can be expensive: You'll be charged $1 for every e-mail message sent on the hotel's computers.

The Pavilion, 227 Street 19, (855-23) 222-280; www.pavilion-cambodia.com. A small, but well-appointed boutique hotel a few blocks from the Royal Palace. The lush garden is a popular place for guests to gather for an early-evening cocktail. Double rooms start at $50 a night, and the hotel offers free Wi-Fi access.

WHERE TO EAT

Friends, 215 Street 13; (855-23) 426-748; www.streetfriends.org. One of a collection of nonprofit restaurants in the city that employ young Cambodians to help them get started on a career. Among the offerings are an excellent Kkmer seafood soup with lime, and a coconut lime cake with passion fruit syrup. Main courses run about $3 to $5.

Boddhi Tree Umma, 50 Street 113, (855-16) 865-445; www.boddhitree.com. A pleasant garden cafe, across from Tuol Sleng. A Cambodian noodle curry costs about $2.

Foreign Correspondents' Club, 363 Sisowath Quay, (855-23) 724-014. Forget Cambodian (or even Asian) cuisine here: the menu runs more toward pizza, sandwiches and salads. But the real attraction is the open-air setting and the unsurpassed views of the Mekong, plus a chance to mingle with other Western tourists. Main courses $6 to $10.

For truly authentic Khmer cuisine, one must go to nameless little places all over town where you'll spend less than a dollar — but it might not be advisable to ask just exactly what this meat you are eating is. A more upscale (and perhaps less-adventurous) alternative is Malis, 136 Norodom Boulevard, (855-23) 221-022, highly recommended by locals for its expertly prepared contemporary and traditional Khmer cuisine served in an elegant garden setting. Dinner for two should run about $30.


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Monday, February 12, 2007

rule of law in Cambodia is being deliberately hindered by the elite who are benefiting financially from their draconian grip on power

Dear friends,

The Asian Human Rights Commission (AHRC) wishes to forward to you the following statement which appeared in the Phnom Penh Post: AHRC Fernando: "rule of law in Cambodia is being deliberately hindered by the elite who are benefiting financially from their draconian grip on power"

Asian Human Rights Commission
Hong Kong

-------------
FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE
FS-009-2007
February 12, 2007

A Forwarded Statement by the Asian Human Rights Commission (AHRC)

CAMBODIA: AHRC Fernando: "rule of law in Cambodia is being deliberately hindered by the elite who are benefiting financially from their draconian grip on power"

CPP assailed by rights groups, again

By Cat Barton and Cheang Sokha
Phnom Penh Post, Issue 16 / 03, February 9 - 22, 2007

"We don't want to say the are always right but we take into consideration the points they raise," he said. "We are happy that the real situation of human rights in Cambodia is not bad or serious like what those NGOs report." -sic!-
- Om Yentieng, Hun Sen's adviser

Pervasive land grabbing and the calculated erosion of political opponents consistently surfaced in five damming end-of-year reports from major local and international human rights organizations. "There is not even a semblance of rule of law in country," said Basil Fernando, director of the Asian Human Rights Commission, said. "It is not the law that is king; it is the prime minister who is king in this country."

The last year has seen a distinct centralization of political control, said one Western diplomat on condition of anonymity.

"Practically everything is controlled by one party," the diplomat said. "The CPP control the government, the National Assembly, the Senate, 99 percent of the village chiefs, the provincial government. Their influence goes through the judiciary, through the police. There should be a much stronger balance of power and system of checks and balances."

If a state does not adhere to the rule of law and is unfettered by checks and balances, power will be exercised in a way that makes human rights violations, such as those documented over the course of 2006, an inevitability, said Fernando.

"Power corrupts, absolute power corrupts absolutely," he said. "In Cambodia there is naked repression, there is no protection: law is unable to protect , the courts are unable to protect, the police is a direct instrument of the powers that be."

The political opposition has been weakened considerably over 2006, said a year-end Human Rights Watch report.

"Cambodia's veneer of political pluralism wore even thinner in 2006," the report said. "The year saw the jailing of government critics, attempts to weaken civil society, independent media, and political dissent."

The opposition has struggled to maintain its ability to challenge the government, said Mu Sochua, secretary-general of the Sam Rainsy Party.

"Who is speaking loudly, persistently regarding the lack, the total disarray of social justice, regarding the corruption of judiciary?" she said. "It is the opposition, members, leaders, not just MPs but the grass roots."

Despite attempts by the opposition to challenge and criticize, Cambodia's development will be destabilized if the government is able to behave in 2007 as it did in 2006, said Sochua.

"The rule of law is not only lacking drag Cambodia's development into total disarray if it is allowed to erode further," she said.

The international community has failed to grasp the fundamental importance of the rule of law for development, said Fernando.

"There is an inability to link development with rule of law," he said. "Donors talk abstractly about development and democracy but they don't realize the link is the rule of law."

The time has come for less "back door" diplomacy and more direct action, said Sochua.

"The money that is spent on Cambodia is not free, it is taxpayers money," she said. "Every single one of the representatives of governments in Cambodia must be responsible and that responsibility lies in having the courage to stand up when ethnic minorities, when the poor, continue to loose their land and their livelihoods, when our forests are raped, totally raped, when there is a court, a judiciary, nothing but a mockery, a masquerade of more and more injustice."

The international community is trying hard to foster the development of rule of law in Cambodia, said the diplomatic source.

"Our constructive criticism really goes to the nuts and bolts," said the diplomat. "You need a clear separation of powers, this has been repeatedly said. "

But Kek Galabru, president of local rights group Licadho, said the fact remains that Cambodia's executive dominates both the legislative and judicial branches of government.

"There is no separation of power," she said. "The executive always interfere ."

The ramifications of this lack of separation of the powers extend far beyond the immediate infringements of individual citizen's civil liberties, she said.

"Cambodia is now a member of WTO," said Galabru. "They ask for a lot of conditions and one of them is the independence of the judiciary. How can serious investors come to Cambodia [without this?]"

Without the rule of law, economic as well as human development is compromised, said Fernando.

"Rule of law is not just a question of civil liberties, it is about the management of society," he said. "Cambodia is a mismanaged society, mismanaged to irrational level."

The development of rule of law in Cambodia is being deliberately hindered by the elite who are benefiting financially from their draconian grip on power, said Fernando.

"It is for economic benefit," he said. "The rule of law is not allowed to develop in order to carry on with certain types of exploitation. The rule of law is bound with the political elite maintaining the status quo: a small number of very powerful people distinct from the rest of country which is very poor and will continue to be."

Yet "irrational" management and preventing the development of the rule of law is a contradictory policy that will ultimately backfire, said Fernando.

"At some time there is bound to be a reaction among elite: what is security of OUR property?" he said. "The implication of no rule of law runs into all areas of the economy. You can't maintain proper banking so you have much money laundering, you can't determine the value of local currency so no person, even the wealthy, feels secure. No one wants to buy land unless they have state patronage. On one hand, while there is this repression in the interests of the property owning class can't forever remain at this level. You have to enter a modern economy. Cambodia's future is tied to regional economies and there are so many possibilities for its development all around. But all that is negated by the present form of the management."

Om Yentieng, adviser to Prime Minister Hun Sen and head of the government's human rights committee said that the human rights situation in Cambodia had improved over the course of 2006.

"The human rights situation in Cambodia in 2006 is better than before," he said. "We have seen an end of the pretrial detention procedure, we have reformed our prisons, the general economic situation is good, the media is also able to write freely."

Although land grabbing is a problem, it is incorrect to cast it as a violation of human rights, he said.

"Land grabbing is not a case of human rights abuse," he said. "These cases happen from the law, many powerful people have also lost their cases at the court regarding land grabbing - it is not human rights abuse."

The government is open to criticism, he said, but confident of its own rights record.

"We don't want to say the are always right but we take into consideration the points they raise," he said. "We are happy that the real situation of human rights in Cambodia is not bad or serious like what those NGOs report."

# # #

About AHRC: The Asian Human Rights Commission is a regional non-governmental organisation monitoring and lobbying human rights issues in Asia. The Hong Kong-based group was founded in 1984.




Asian Human Rights Commission
19/F, Go-Up Commercial Building,
998 Canton Road, Kowloon, Hongkong S.A.R.
Tel: +(852) - 2698-6339 Fax: +(852) - 2698-6367


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Saturday, February 10, 2007

Boeung Kak lake latest city sell-off

By Allister Hayman and Sam Rith
Phnom Penh Post, Issue 16 / 03, February 9 - 22, 2007

Thousands of Phnom Penh's residents who live around Boeung Kak Lake may have to pack up and move after the Municipality's signing of a lease for an 133 hectare area.

Signed by Governor Kep Chuktema, the deal includes at least ten of the 24 villages that surround Boeung Kak - including the bar-lined strip known as "The Lake" - and will lead to the displacement of more than 3,900 families and hundreds of businesses.

The 99-year renewable lease was signed February 6 and was reportedly worth $79 million, with little known developer Shukaku Inc paying $0.60 per square meter for the leasehold.

Municipal officials said the developer plans to build a commercial and residential area, which will include shops, hotels, apartments, a university and a "green zone."

Though the plan does not specifically refer to the fate of the lake, with Boeung Kak consuming 90 hectares of the 133-hectare leasehold, economic logic and precedent suggest it will be filled. Last year, a 119-hectare land fill on the eastern shore of Pong Peay lake in the Tuol Kok district was completed as part of the "New Town Project."

Confusion now clouds the fate of the International Dubai Mosque, which lies within the leasehold.

Mosque Imam San Morhamin, 75, said he is uncertain about the future of the mosque, but said Chuktema told him that the mosque's land would not be included in the leasehold.

"We were given this land by Sihanouk in 1969," he said. "I believe it is a state asset."

Shukaku Inc is headed by Lao Meng Khin, also a director of controversial logging giant Pheapimex, which is accused of land grabbing and deforestation in Pursat province.

According to Global Witness, Pheapimex is a major donor to the ruling Cambodian Peoples Party and both Khin and his wife Choeng Soheap - the owner of Pheapimex - enjoy close relations with Prime Minister Hun Sen.

Chuktema said on signing the agreement that the project was in line with the muncipality's plan for the beautification and development of Phnom Penh. Chuktema said municipal authorities would begin work immediately to notify residents and owners in the area to discuss their future.

Nuon Sokchea, a lawyer at the community legal center's public interest legal advocacy project, said she has serious concerns about the deal after a lack of consultation with the community and a lack of disclosure on the part of the developer.

"According to the law the government cannot give the lake to a private company to develop as it is public property," she said. "We are really concerned how the development will affect the people and hope it will not override their land rights."

Residents and business owners along the lakeside who spoke to the Post on February 8 were either unaware of the concession or had only read about it in a local newspaper. Many of them have lived in the area for more than a decade and claimed legal ownership of their land. None had received notification from the municipal authorities and many were worried.

Tauch Sarim, 64, the owner of the popular Lakeside Guesthouse, was shocked when he heard the news.

"It seems like I will be losing everything," he said. "When I heard this, the hair stood on the back of my neck."

Sarim said he has owned his business since 1998, and the prospect of a lakeside guesthouse without a lakeside was devastating.

"Before I heard they would take only a part of the lake, so I think that's okay. Our government has a plan to develop the area. But now it's not good. It means they take the whole area."

Sarim said he had received no information about compensation, only that the municipal authorities would "come and talk to us about moving."

Daun Penh district Deputy Governor Ek Khun Doen told local media on February 8 that the residents of the district were living on the land illegally and the area "belongs to the state."

But when contacted by the Post, Doen retracted his claim. "I don't know for sure whether the people in that area own their land or not," he said.

According to Sangkat Srah Chak Commune Chief, Chhay Thirith, all the villagers affected have legal title to their land. "Those villagers in the ten villages affected are living legally, as accepted by the Ministry of Interior," he said.

Cambodia's 2001 Land Law prohibits deprivation of ownership without due process and grants the right to apply for a land title to someone who has been in possession of a private property for five years. Article 44 of the Constitution states that the government can only deprive someone of property for "public interest" purposes and requires the payment of fair and just compensation.

Thirith said he did not know what would happen to the residents, as he had not been informed of the municipality's plans. He said he hoped the development would be in accordance with Hun Sen's stated policy of removing residents to housing within the district, rather than relocation to the city's outskirts.

When contacted by the Post, Chuktemna refused to comment further on the plans. But Soun Rindy, spokesperson for Deputy Governor Pa Socheatvong, said the municipality was determining a plan for the residents, with those who are part of their community group treated differently to those who are not. "The municipality is organizing a policy to deal with the people who are living in the community," he said.

Last July, in a public relations exercise, municipal officials took residents of Boeung Kak's Village 22 to tour a housing complex constructed by Phanimex in the Borei Keila district.

Deputy Municipal Governor Mann Chhoeun said at the time he considered this kind of "in the place" development a possible solution for the Boeung Kak evictees. But Chea Sivorn, 47, a resident of Village 22, said she visited the complex and was not impressed.

"The building was too high and the apartments were only four by six meters. It is too narrow," she said.

Sivorn and other residents of Village 22 said they wanted the developer or the municipal authority to buy the land off them at a fair price so they could buy another property of their choosing.

"We won't just agree to be moved to some place like Borei Keila," Sivorn said.

Other residents, who spoke on condition of anonymity, said they feared they would be forcibly removed to the outskirts of the city, like the evictees from Tonle Bassac, where there is a lack of amenities and the price of services is high.

Despite talk of "in the place" development, they said the muncipality's track record of forced land evictions gave them little cause for confidence.

"I don't know how I can live in the outskirts and support my family," a long-term resident of Village 6 said. "We will have income loss and spending increase. I fear I will lose everything."

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Thursday, February 08, 2007

Group of Rare Vultures Found in Cambodia

BANGKOK, Thailand - Researchers in the remote forests of Cambodia said Wednesday they have discovered the only known colony in Southeast Asia of slender-billed vultures and scores of other endangered birds. The colony was discovered last month in the jungles east of the Mekong River in Cambodia's Stung Treng Province."We discovered the nests on top of a hill where two other vulture species were also found," said Song Chansocheat, manager of the Cambodia Vulture Conservation Project. The government project is supported by the World Conservation Society, BirdLife International, the World Wildlife Fund, the Disney Wildlife Conservation Fund and the Royal Society for the Protection of Birds."Amazingly, there were also a host of other globally threatened species of birds and primates," Song Chansocheat said in a statement. "It's a very special place."The area was also found to be home to several other species listed as critically endangered by the World Conservation Union, including the white-rumped vulture, according to the New York-based WCS.

The team also spotted a red-headed vulture, giant ibis and an endangered primate called a silvered langur, or leaf monkey.Researchers said slender-billed vultures have been found in other parts of Southeast Asia but that the only other known colony until now was in northern India. They are believed extinct in many parts of Southeast Asia, including Thailand.Soon after the discovery, Song's team set up measures to protect against poaching and egg collecting, and are now working with local communities to ensure that they are involved in longer-term conservation measures."We already have a successful WCS model working in the northern plains where local people benefit from conservation activities," he said. "I think we have a good chance of making it work here if we can find the support."The Slender-billed vulture is one of several vulture species in Asia that have been driven to the brink of extinction in the past 12 years after eating cattle carcasses tainted with diclofenac, an anti-inflammatory painkiller that's given to sick cows and is highly toxic to vultures.Diclofenac has lead to global population declines as high as 99 percent in slender-billed and other vulture species, especially in India. Diclofenac is now being slowly phased out in South Asia, but not at a pace that assures the recovery of the vultures.Because diclofenac is almost entirely absent from use in Cambodia, the WCS said the country remains one of the main hopes for the survival of the species. Even so, the birds face numerous other threats, including lack of food due to the over-hunting of large-bodied mammals, loss of habitat, and poaching.On the Net:The Wildlife Conservation Society: http://www.wcs.org/international/Asia/Cambodi aA service of the Associated Press(AP)

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Friday, January 19, 2007

Letter Exchange between Pen Sovann and NaranhKiri Tith

February 2, 2001
By Professor NaranhKiri Tith
Posted Online


Dear Mr. Pen Sovann:

I came across your web site through Radio Cambodia International. I also just read your declaration on the anniversary of the so-called Vietnamese "liberation" of Cambodia on the 7th of January 1979, as well as your interview in the most recent edition of the Phnom Penh Post on that anniversary celebration by the CPP.

Before going any further, let me introduce myself and tell you what I am doing with the information that I hope you will be able to provide me on your background and role in the Vietnamese occupation of Cambodia until you were removed from the power by the Vietnamese Political Bureau after your trip to Moscow in the early 1980s.

I am presently a professor of International Economics and Asian Studies at the Johns Hopkins University, School of Advanced International Studies, here in Washington, DC. I have never belonged a member of any political parties. I am every much involved in trying to bring democracy, society and real freedom to the Cambodian people by working very closely with the US Congress, the academic community, and the NGOs, local and international. I am 67 years old, and a citizen of the United States of America. I have no political ambition except to see real freedom, peace, justice, and moral and material decency to all Cambodians. I am not a Vietnamese hater, nor am I naive and expedient to thank Vietnam for the so-called liberation. I sincerely think that Vietnam has been committing genocidal against the Cambodian people, especially against Khmer Krom people, as they did against the Chams a few centuries ago.

I also read a recent book written by Colonel Bui Tin former editor of the Nhan Dan Newspaper of the Vietnamese army. From these readings, I would like to ask you the following questions:

(1) Acceding to Bui Tin you were serving with the Vietnamese army with the rank of major until you were appointed to be the defense minister, Secretary General of the Cambodian Communist Party, and Prime Minister, after the Vietnamese invasion of Cambodia.

(2) What motivated you to be member of the Vietnamese Communist Party and a member of the Vietnamese army?

(3) Did you know that Vietnam has always been using Cambodian kings and other traitors to take over Cambodia land and committing genocidal policy against the Cambodian people, and the Chams before that?

(4) Did you really believe that the Vietnamese were sincere in coming to "liberate" Cambodia without conditions attached?

(5) Who else were with your group that came with the Vietnamese tanks to invade Cambodia, besides Chan Si, and Say Pouthong?

(6) Do you believe that Hun Sen, Sar Kheng, and Chea Sim are still serving Vietnamese national interest at the expense of Cambodian interests? Please, tell me why if you agree with this assessment?

(7) You still seem to praise Vietnam as the liberator of the Cambodian people, but you only objected to their insincerity How do you justify your position in this regard?

(8) What is your judgment on King Sihanouk's role during the Khmer Rouge regime? During the Vietnamese occupation? And since the 1997 coup d' etat by Hun Sen? Is he guilty at all in all these activities with all these events in Cambodia? Is he the God father of the Khmer Rouge and Hun Sen?

Please, elaborate for the so - Kov5 Plan? What is it how was it organized? who led it? And what were the objectives of that plan? What kind and extent of damage did the plan cause the Cambodian people and where?

(9) What is your strategy and policy to reverse the tragic course history that you personally brought about to make the Vietnamese master of Cambodia's
destiny?

Thank you in advance for your cooperation and kind answers. With best regards.

N. Tith,

The School of Advanced International Studies,
The Johns Hopkins University, Washington, DC.

************

Dear Mr. N. Tith,

I am very happy that you have asked me nine questions, dated Feb. 2, 2001. I am Pen Sovann and my answers to your questions are the following:

ANSWER

(1) I was sent by the Khmer People¹s Revolutionary Party to continue my study in Vietnam from 1955 to 1970. I studied at the "Modern Infantry Institute". I did not belong to any Vietnamese army, but I participated in the hand-on training requirements given through the Vietnamese armed forces to build my technical military experiences so that I could eventually use it to serve my own country.

(2) I have never been a member of the Vietnamese Communist Party nor was I ever a soldier of any Vietnamese armed forces. I was just a Cambodian designated to go and fulfill my study in a foreign country with the intention of returning to serve my country.

(3) According to history, I knew that Vietnam had used Cambodian kings and other group of traitors as a mean to seize Cambodian territories and to implement their genocidal policy to swallow Cambodian land. Kampuchea Krom, was another example of what they implemented to absorb the territories belonging to Champa.

(4) I have clearly expressed in my statement as of Jan. 1, 2001, regarding the cooperation to free Cambodia from the genocidal regime but the party of Vietnam violated the cooperative contract and instead jailed me for over ten years when I rebelled and chose to serve the interests of my own country.

(5) There were indeed a lot of people that I am not able to explain everything, but you will soon see everything in my book to be published in the near future.

(6) It is true that they still serve the interests of Vietnam as they receive perks, power, and protection in return. Because of these benefits they never acted on problems such as illegal Vietnamese immigrants or border encroachments, etc.

(7) Yes, as for me and other Cambodians who survived the massacre, it is appropriate to say that Vietnam timely saved Cambodians from the genocidal regime. Contrary to this, Vietnam held intentions to inappropriately colonize Cambodia. They illegally sent their people into Cambodia in order to seize Cambodian land.

(8) As for this question, let's not judge it yet as there are many angles that we cannot address. And as for the KOR 5 PLAN, you will see and understand it when my history book is published in the near future.

(9) My strategies and policies are to destroy dictatorship, family and clan interests by using nonviolent means based on real democratic principles.

Sincerely,
Pen Sovann
Phnom Penh Feb. 8, 2001

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Thursday, December 28, 2006

Fighting Brothels With Books

No investment in poor countries gets more bang for the buck than educating girls. Literate girls are in less danger of being trafficked, they have fewer children, care for their children better and are better able to earn a decent living.

By Nicholas D. Kristof
Posted on theday.com (Connecticut, USA)
12/27/2006


Three years ago, I purchased two teenage girls from the Cambodian brothels that enslaved them and returned them to their families. Plenty of readers promptly wrote to say: “Buy one for me, too.

Those readers had honorable intentions (I think) and simply wanted to do something concrete to confront global poverty and sex trafficking. But buying enslaved girls isn't a general solution — partly because it raises the market price and increases the incentive to kidnap other girls and sell them to brothels.

I'm still in touch with the two girls and visited them on this trip (video of them is at nytimes.com/kristof); one is back in the brothel, and the other is now married and pregnant with her first child in her village. They are wonderful young women and powerful reminders of the need to do more to address human trafficking — but the conventional tools to do so are wrenchingly inadequate.

So, let me share the (happy!) story of a group of kids who have found a way — from Washington state, no less — to fight illiteracy and sex trafficking here in this remote and squalid town of Pailin in western Cambodia.

I stumbled across their effort by chance as I visited an elementary school here that bore an English sign with the name “Overlake School.” Rural Cambodian schools normally are dilapidated and bare, but astonishingly this one had an English teacher who ushered me into a classroom in which sixth-grade students were pecking away at computers connected to a satellite dish.

“Many of my students have e-mail addresses,” said the teacher, Tay Khy. “They e-mail students in America.”

This remarkable scene — barefoot students with Yahoo accounts — came to pass because Francisco Grijalva, principal of the Overlake School in Redmond, Wash., read about an aid group called American Assistance for Cambodia (www.cambodiaschools.com) that builds schools in rural Cambodia. He proposed that his 450 students, in grades five through 12, sponsor construction of an elementary school in Cambodia.

Enthusiastic fund-raising

The students responded enthusiastically. They held bake sales and talent shows and gathered the $15,500 necessary to build a school.

In 2003, Grijalva led a delegation of 19 from his school for the opening of the one in Cambodia. Overwhelmed by the experience, the American students then decided to sponsor an English teacher and an e-mail system for the school. This year, a dozen of the American students came to teach English to the Cambodian pupils.

Kun Sokkea, a sixth-grader at the Cambodian school, keeps a picture that the Americans gave her of their school and marvels at its otherworldly beauty. She inhabits a world that few American pupils could envision: Her father died of AIDS, her mother is now dying as well, she has never been to a dentist and she has just one shirt that she can wear to school.

She led me to her home, a rickety wooden shack with no electricity or plumbing. Kun Sokkea fetches drinking water from the local creek — where she also washes her clothes. When I asked if she ever drank milk, she said doubtfully that she used to — as a baby, from her mother.

Neither of her parents ever had even a year of schooling, and if it hadn't been for the American students, she wouldn't have had much either. That would have made her vulnerable to traffickers, who prey on illiterate girls from the villages.

Building schools doesn't solve the immediate problem of girls currently enslaved inside brothels — that requires more rigorous law enforcement, crackdowns on corruption and outspoken diplomacy (it would help if President Bush spotlighted the issue in his State of the Union address). But in the long run no investment in poor countries gets more bang for the buck than educating girls. Literate girls not only are in less danger of being trafficked, but later they have fewer children, care for their children better and are much better able to earn a decent living.

Meanwhile, the Americans insist that they have benefited just as much from the relationship. “After going to Cambodia, my plans for the future have changed,” said Natalie Hammerquist, a 17-year-old who regularly e-mails two Cambodian students. “This year I'm taking three foreign languages, and I plan on picking up more in college.”

As for Grijalva, he says, “This project is simply the most meaningful and worthwhile initiative I have undertaken in my 36 years in education.”

Nicholas Kristof is a columnist for The New York Times.

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US told to consider local sensitivity in democracy blitz in Asia


A congressional report based on a recent mission to Cambodia, Indonesia, Sri Lanka and Thailand, said the United States should take into account local sensitivities in its bid to promote democracy and good governance in Asia.(AFP/Illustration)


WASHINGTON (AFP) - The United States should take into account local sensitivities in its bid to promote democracy and good governance in Asia, says a congressional report based on a recent mission to the region.

The mission by the Senate foreign relations committee was aimed at examining the state of democracy in the region, with particular emphasis on programs supported with US government funding via nongovernmental organizations (NGOs).

It covered Thailand, Indonesia, Cambodia and Sri Lanka and was part of a broad study that also included Africa, Central Europe and Latin America.

The report also wanted US-funded democracy promotion efforts in Asia to focus on building democratic institutions and "avoid the occasional perception of targeting or promoting political personalities."

It said "US government officials should recognize that effective promotion of democracy and good governance in Asia requires acknowledgement of cultural and national sensitivities.

"Definitions of democracy may vary," it said.

The study was conducted amid concerns that governments across the world had increasingly tightened controls on foreign NGOs to restrict their ability to work independently.

In Thailand, for example, the study found that the military junta which overthrew the democratically elected government of Thaksin Shinawatra in September allowed US NGOs to "operate freely and without intimidation or harassment."

Under the Thaksin administration, some US NGO phones were tapped and "under constant surveillance by Thai police authorities," one US NGO representative told US Senate staff conducting the survey.

The report cautioned that the "full limits of freedom in operation may not be fully actualized until martial law is lifted" in Thailand.

It urged US NGOs to work with pro-democracy leaders across party lines to assess how democratic institutions might be strengthened in Thailand to ensure stronger checks and balances within the government and political system.

In Indonesia, the mission found US NGOs facing few or no obstacles with their work. Often they operated with full support of the government, it said.

But one US official noted in the report that when it involved "sensitive" issues, such as human rights or special autonomy for the Indonesian regions of Aceh or Papua, the government "always seem to have suspicions."

Other US officials reported that the Indonesian government "has clearly indicated particular areas which it considers to be 'out of bounds,' for attention by international NGOs."

The report noted that it was often more effective for the US government to work "indirectly" in Indonesia, the world's most populous Muslim democracy.

As one NGO official stated, "unfortunately in the current environment, direct US assistance is sometimes viewed through a lens of concern related to a range of international affairs issues of immense concern to Indonesians."

Survey responses in Cambodia were mixed as to whether the government allowed NGOs to participate freely and whether they faced bureaucratic obstacles that deliberately prevent them from functioning.

The report said Cambodian government officials had been discussing the possibility of legislation to regulate NGOs.

"While NGOs do not object to registering with the government, the possibility of a law has raised concerns," it said.

The majority of survey respondents said corruption in Cambodia was not taken seriously as an issue in government, and that citizens were afraid to report corrupt businessmen, government officials and politicians.

In Sri Lanka, the report said, NGOs surveyed were not in agreement that the government provided ample space in which they can operate within the country.

In addition, there was no shared consensus that "watchdog organizations fear being coerced politically, economically or physically."

But there was agreement that the government does not take corruption seriously as an issue, the report said.

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Thursday, December 21, 2006

News of the weird

News of the weird

Recurring Themes:
In yet another case of a person practicing what is allegedly acceptable in another country but illegal in the United States, a 28-year-old woman from Cambodia was arrested in Las Vegas in October for kissing her 6-year-old son's penis, which she said was simply an expression of motherly love. An official in California's Cambodian Association of America confirmed the custom to the Las Vegas Review-Journal but said it never extends past age 2.

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Travelers share tips, trade stories online

POSTED: 11:02 a.m. EST, December 20, 2006


NEW YORK (AP) -- Had Jani Patokallio relied solely on a printed travel guidebook to plan a recent trip to Cambodia, he might have skipped a visit to Sihanoukville, turned off by talk of bumpy bus rides, bombed out buildings and kidnappings.

But after checking out Wikitravel, one of several free sites that let travelers themselves share information and reviews, he learned the seaside town has changed since the book's printing.

"Five years ago it was absolutely nothing there," said Patokallio, 29, a telecom consultant in Singapore. "Today, it's already a beach resort. There are five-star hotels, good restaurants. The road is paved and rebuilt."

When Patokallio got back, he added his experiences and insights, expanding the entry by 50 percent, so that other travelers might consider a visit, too.

In the old days, travelers had to rely primarily on professional guidebooks, unless they happened to know someone who had gone to, say, Sihanoukville recently.

These Web sites make it possible to find that person who did visit Sihanoukville. Several new ones have emerged in recent months, selling their ability to stay current and cover destinations popular and obscure, even as guidebooks respond by emphasizing their editorial oversight.

Internet Brands Inc.'s Wikitravel and Wikia Inc.'s World Wikia organize user contributions the way a traditional travel guidebook would, with sections on how to get there, what to eat, where to stay and what to do. Powered by technology known as a wiki, anyone may add and change entries regardless of expertise.

Gusto LLC, IgoUgo Inc. and other travel sites take more of a social-networking approach.

Members have personal profile pages just like those on News Corp.'s MySpace. Visitors not only can read what others have to say, but also can find out about the reviewers' personal background: Do they travel with pets or kids? Do they tend to like destinations that are off-the-beaten path?

Varied formats, philosophies

TripAdvisor LLC, meanwhile, offers a blend of wikis and profiles.

One site, Tripmates Inc., even lets people find travel companions or contact locals for one-on-one advice. Joe Voboril, 28, a financial analyst in New York, contacted a Tripmates user in Greece who had highly recommended a sunset cruise that from guidebooks "looked like a touristy dumb idea."

"It was one of the best values," he said. "I never would have done it or looked for it."

RealTravel Inc., meanwhile, has a tool for recommending travel destinations based on criteria you enter, such as budget, age, interests and the size of the traveling party. Matches are made based on what similar users have said about places they've been.

Frommer's, Fodor's and Lonely Planet typically hire locals and seasoned travelers to update their guidebooks every one or two years. Although the publishers acknowledge their paid writers can't cover every single restaurant or hotel, the way scores of volunteers can, they question whether travelers really want everything.

"There's so much information out there that people want somebody to discriminate for them," said Michael Spring, publisher of Frommer's Travel Guides, a division of John Wiley & Sons Inc. "We're not doing anyone a favor to list 100 places. You want someone to say this is better than that."

The philosophy extends to the guidebooks' Web sites. Lonely Planet Publications Inc. has a lively online forum for discussions about everything travel, but when it comes to reviews, the publisher wants readers to respond only to items written by professional writers.

"That's who we are, and people look to us for that impartial review," said Brice Gosnell, Lonely Planet's publisher for the Americas.

Lori Gauld, 34, said she likes RealTravel for its journaling features but prefers guidebooks for planning trips.

"I write all my notes (and use) Post-its, highlighters and things like that," the Toronto consultant said. "I can bring the book along."

Credibility questions

Reviewers' credibility is one concern. Sites differ on how they handle hotel owners, tourism officials and others who might want to flood the sites with positive reviews, but all agree it's a potential problem.

Tripmates and other sites let visitors check other travelers' profiles to gauge how alike they are and judge recommendations accordingly. A feature Gusto plans to launch next month will even help users elevate the writings that come from other members they deem friends.

The Web sites, meanwhile, are good for niche travelers and destinations that a travel guidebook might mention in passing, if at all.

Wikitravel, for instance, has a guide for South Georgia and the South Sandwich Islands, a set of rugged islands off Antarctica. IgoUgo has entries from users who like to visit lighthouses or travel with a dog. World Wikia has resources on how to hitchhike out of Tokyo.

User-contributed Web sites can afford to devote entire guides for narrower audiences -- World Wikia is trying to start one on Iraq.

But Tim Jarrell, publisher of the Fodor's division of Random House Inc., said such sites have largely been "long on dreams and short on execution."

Many of the community sites started in recent months, meaning the entries are varied and far from complete. Bill Kaufmann, founder of World Wikia, said the site has spent the past three months "laying the groundwork for what I think would be a complete set of guides."

The sites have largely been making money through ads, with a few exploring ways to sell travel services. IgoUgo has links to travel agency Travelocity; both are owned by Sabre Holdings Corp.

Ultimately, travelers may use both in their planning.

"How they are going to get there, where they are going to stay, that's really the stage at which we engage people," said Ken Leeder, RealTravel's chief executive. "Once they go on their trips, absolutely they take their printed travel guides with them."

Copyright 2006 The Associated Press. All rights reserved.This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten, or redistributed.


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Analysis: Cambodia oil, blessing or curse?

PHNOM PENH, Cambodia, Dec. 20 (UPI) -- The buzz about Cambodia's petroleum potential has many energy firms chomping at the bit to begin drilling, though some predict that the blessing of black gold will be a curse in disguise for a nation that's experienced its share of hardship.

Leading the charge toward full-scale extraction operations is U.S. oil company Chevron, which in the last year sunk many exploratory wells and is reportedly eager to begin offshore drilling in the Gulf of Thailand.

According to the World Bank, Cambodian reserves could contain as many as 2 billion barrels of oil and 10 trillion cubic feet of gas, which would make Cambodia the next untapped "hot spot" for multinational oil players.

"Depending upon the world price of oil, Cambodian reserves may be contributing annual revenues of $2 billion per annum -- several times the current level of domestic revenue and ODA [overseas development aid] combined -- within perhaps five to 10 years," read a recent World Bank report.

With that in mind, Chevron and other oil giants are beginning to turn their attention toward Cambodia.

"Energy firms will be eager to capitalize on what could be the world's next great petroleum resource," Dorothea EL Mallakh, director of the International Research Center for Energy and Economic Development, told United Press International.

El Mallakh's prediction of increased interest comes with a caveat, however, a warning that Cambodia ought to be "wary of the pitfalls often associated with petroleum wealth."

Event the World Bank has issued warnings.

"International experience suggests that such petrochemical wealth may equally well result in a 'resource curse' that actually retards development and poverty reduction."

Before inviting the world oil companies, Cambodia might want to take a closer look at other nations that have done the same, such as Nigeria.

Nigeria, which has the highest oil production in Africa, is straining under the "oil curse" amid a growing militancy, which has targeted oil installations, and environmental risks.

Cambodians could easily follow Nigeria's footsteps.

Prime Minister Hun Sen has been accused of traditionally showing little interest in the rights of his people and earlier this month a leading human rights group accused the Cambodian government of interfering with ongoing preparations in the trial of former Khmer Rouge officials.

The Khmer Rouge regime (1975-1979) -- led by Pol Pot -- is accused of killing almost 2 million Cambodians during their short-lived reign.

International legal officials have expressed dismay with Cambodian authorities, with whom they are trying to draft legal parameters for the trial, saying the Cambodians appear unwilling to cooperate so the trials can commence.

"Political interference has brought the whole process to a screeching halt," said Brad Adams, Asia director of Human Rights Watch.


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Saturday, December 16, 2006

Kids With High IQs Grow Up to Be Vegetarians

By Steven Reinberg
HealthDay Reporter
Fri Dec 15, 2:01 PM ET

FRIDAY, Dec. 15 (HealthDay News) -- As a child's IQ rises, his taste for meat in adulthood declines, a new study suggests.

British researchers have found that children's IQ predicts their likelihood of becoming vegetarians as young adults -- lowering their risk for cardiovascular disease in the process. The finding could explain the link between smarts and better health, the investigators say.

"Brighter people tend to have healthier dietary habits," concluded lead author Catharine Gale, a senior research fellow at the MRC Epidemiology Resource Centre of the University of Southampton and Southampton General Hospital.

Recent studies suggest that vegetarianism may be associated with lower cholesterol, reduced risk of obesity and heart disease. This might explain why children with high IQs tend to have a lower risk of heart disease in later life.

The report is published in the Dec. 15 online edition of the British Medical Journal.

"We know from other studies that brighter children tend to behave in a healthier fashion as adults -- they're less likely to smoke, less likely to be overweight, less likely to have high blood pressure and more likely to take strenuous exercise," Gale said. "This study provides further evidence that people with a higher IQ tend to have a healthier lifestyle."

In the study, Gale's team collected data on nearly 8,200 men and women aged 30, whose IQ had been tested when they were 10 years of age.

"Children who scored higher on IQ tests at age 10 were more likely than those who got lower scores to report that they were vegetarian at the age of 30," Gale said.

The researchers found that 4.5 percent of participants were vegetarians. Of these, 2.5 percent were vegan, and 33.6 percent said they were vegetarian but also ate fish or chicken.

There was no difference in IQ score between strict vegetarians and those who said they were vegetarian but who said they ate fish or chicken, the researchers add.

Vegetarians were more likely to be female, of higher social class and better educated, but IQ was still a significant predictor of being vegetarian after adjustment for these factors, Gale said.

"Vegetarian diets are associated with lower cardiovascular disease risk in a number of studies, so these findings suggest that a such a diet may help to explain why children or adolescents with a higher IQ have a lower risk of coronary heart disease as adults," Gale said.

One expert said the findings aren't the whole answer, however.

"This study left many unanswered questions such as: Did the vegetarian children grow up in a household with a vegetarian parent? Were meatless meals regularly served in the household? Were the children eating a primarily vegetarian diet at the age of 10?" said Lona Sandon, an assistant professor of clinical nutrition at the University of Texas Southwestern Medical Center at Dallas.

"In addition, we don't know the beliefs or attitudes of the parents of the children, nor do we know if there was a particular event that led these children to becoming vegetarian in their teens or adulthood," Sandon said.

As the study showed, more women than men chose a vegetarian diet, Sandon noted. "Other research shows that women in general will focus more on their health than men. So, if they believe that a vegetarian diet will have health benefits, they are more likely to follow it," she said.

Given these factors, "we cannot draw any solid conclusions from this research," Sandon added.

Another expert agreed that a vegetarian diet is healthy.

"The evidence linking vegetarianism to good health outcomes is very strong," said Dr. David L. Katz, the director of the Prevention Research Center and an associate professor of public health at the Yale University School of Medicine.

"Studies, for example, of vegetarian Seventh-Day Adventists in California suggest that they have lower rates of almost all major chronic diseases, and greater longevity, than their omnivorous counterparts," Katz said. "Evidence is also strong and consistent that greater intelligence, higher education, and loftier social status -- which tend to cluster with one another -- also correlate with good health."

More information

There's more on vegetarian diets at the U.S. Department of Agriculture.


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Friday, December 15, 2006

Sex workers' violent lives

By Dan Poynton
Phnom Penh Post, Issue 15 / 25, December 15 - 28, 2006

Twenty-year-old Sophy sits alone in a corner of a famous Phnom Penh nightclub where she has worked for the past eight years. She is demure and childishly awkward, but her poignant, beautiful face is fiery and fearful. Her voice is gentle, little more than a whisper.

"I was walking home to my family one night, when four boys from my neighborhood grabbed me, and raped me," Sophy said. "Then I wasn't a virgin any more. My dad was sick from cigarettes - he was dying with open wounds all over his legs. I wasn't good for anyone any more, so my mother took me down to this bar for foreigners, and I started being a prostitute. My mother worried about me and waited for me outside the bar every night, because I was 12 years old."

Sophy's experience echoes that of many sex workers in the bars and streets of Phnom Penh. Many of their careers begin with violence, and, according to interviews and recent reports, its specter haunts them always.

"Some customers are very bad; they don't give you any money, even after being with you for several days," said Sophy (not her real name). "Customers hit many girls."

All the street sex workers and brothel-based prostitutes questioned by the Post named violence and rape as their main fears. They barely mentioned AIDS.

"I always make them put on a condom," Sophy said. "But if I go with a man for four or five days, and he likes me, then not using a condom is no problem - especially if he has a blood test."

She said she was unaware of HIV's three-month latency period.

"But violence and HIV infection come together," said Ly Pisey, junior program officer for Womyn's Agenda for Change (WAC), which works with prostitutes throughout Cambodia. "For example, when there are gang rapes, they don't use condoms, or they use plastic sugar bags instead."

Pisey is convinced that the underlying cause of violence towards sex workers is discrimination, in all strata of society.

"Sex workers are considered bad girls - they make society bad," Pisey said.

"This discrimination is linked with violence. If people only talk about AIDS and things, and sex workers are not recognized as human beings with the same rights as other people, the problem of violence and abuse will still be there."

Violence includes rumlop bauk, or gang rape, which is an infamous trend in Cambodia, even among schoolboys. Violence and discrimination are easier to get away with when the crimes are committed by groups or authorities, Pisey says.

"Some police make us eat our own condoms [when they find them on us], or they put salt on our vaginas," said Preung Phanny, 42, a prostitute since 1985. She is also working as a district leader for the Women's' Network for Unity, a sex workers' association supported by WAC.

"The police beat us with sticks and throw rocks at us. They hate us - it's discrimination," Phanny said.

According to Pisey, sex workers suffer violence from gangsters, police, local authorities, and regular customers.

"Sometimes we don't know if violence and rapes are happening because they are too scared to report it," she said. "If sex workers have no power, how can they force a client to use a condom? When they refuse, the client will beat them, or tell the brothel owner."

Pisey said that some aid projects even exacerbate discrimination.

"The 100 Percent Condom Use program was promoted by the government, and they say 90 percent [of sex workers] now use condoms," Pisey said. "But when the police search sex workers, they say 'We have to arrest you - you have a condom, so you are a prostitute.' A USAID report said the 100 Percent Condom Use program was very effective - but was it? Gangsters use condoms to rape women now, so they protect themselves. Is that 100 Percent Condom Use success? The figures are not real. We used to work with figures, but they don't work."

But Pisey acknowledged the work of a recent Violence Against Women and Children in Cambodia (VAWCC) report titled "Sex Workers on the Street - Living with Violence" that identified the high vulnerability of sex workers and disturbing trends in abuse and violence.

The conclusion of the VAWCC report reads, "[Street sex workers] frequently suffer from violence such as gang rape ... are often harassed and illegally arrested by police, and suffer from stigma and discrimination."

Sex workers in Cambodia do not trust the authorities when it comes to assistance over violence or health, said Chan Dina, director of the Cambodian Prostitutes' Union.

"Sex workers are faced with gang rape but do not report it to the local authorities because they know that what they do is illegal," Dina said.

Sex workers said they often face violence from their boyfriends or husbands and the abuse is often fuelled by jealousy or illegal drugs.

The prevalent use of street drugs, increasingly the crystal form of methamphetamine known as "ice," is also a major problem among prostitutes, with about 60 percent of sex workers now using them, according to WAC employees.

Pisey said the plight of Cambodian sex workers is getting worse. USAID - the major donor for NGOs helping sex workers - changed its policy in 2004.

"Now they are focusing on reproductive health and trafficking," said Pisey. "These issues are totally different. Society discriminates against them, and now they are being discriminated against by NGO policy. It's all donor-driven."

By the numbers

Statistics released this year by the NGO Violence Against Women and Children in Cambodia. The information was gathered through months of interviews and workshops with street sex workers in Phnom Penh.
  • 54% named poverty as their reason for entering sex work
  • 38% began working between 15 and 18 years old
  • 42% are divorced
  • 82.6% send money home to support family:
  • 41% have six or more siblings
  • 79% cannot write; 50% cannot read
  • 29.1% have between 6 and 10 clients a day.
  • 95% work seven days a week
  • 70.8% say they have been gang raped
  • 100% of sex workers who say they pay protection money, say they pay it to police

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Cambodia's Killers

By Michael Benge
FrontPageMagazine.com | March 10, 2006

While the radical Islamists held a scimitar to the throat of freedom of expression over cartoons, Hun Sen, Cambodia’s dictator, was throttling those who dared speak out against his misdeeds and Vietnam’s grab of a good portion of Cambodia’s border. Prime Minister Hun Sen is the epitome of the old adage that a tiger never changes his stripes. First by a coup d’état in 1997 in which over 100 members of the Royalist Party democrats were murdered, then through rigged elections, and now through his kangaroo courts, Hun Sen has managed to intimidate and silence all opposition to his fascist regime in Cambodia.

In his most recent coup against democracy, human rights, freedom of the press and freedom of speech, Hun Sen took a page right out of communist Hanoi’s playbook by silencing all opposition to his regime. Hun Sen manipulated Cambodia’s notoriously corrupt and incompetent court system to make it a criminal offense to criticize him or his regime. In February 2005, Hun Sen stripped parliamentary immunity from the leader of the main opposition party (SRP), Sam Rainsy, and two legislators, Cheam Channy and Chea Poch -- both SRP party members. Rainsy and Poch fled the country while Channy remained in Cambodia. In August 2005, Channy was given a seven-year prison sentence. Rainsy was tried in absentia by Hun Sen’s kangaroo court and was given an 18-month jail sentence.

Next, Hun Sen had the publisher of the leading opposition newspaper arrested and the paper shut down for publishing articles critical of Hun Sen. He then had the director of the country’s only independent radio station -- Behive FM -- arrested and charged with defaming him by broadcasting interviews criticizing Hun Sen for allowing Hanoi to gobble up a good portion of Cambodia’s border territory.

Hun Sen then had several leading human rights advocates arrested and detained including Kem Sokha, the president of the Cambodian Center for Human Rights and his deputy, the director of the Community Legal Education Center, and the president of the Cambodian teachers’ association. Several others fled Cambodia, including a cousin and aide to Norodom Sihamoni, the new figurehead king. The latter acquiesced to Hun Sen’s border gift to Hanoi that then gave it a façade of legality. Hun Sen has a history of giving land to the Vietnamese.

Hun Sen is a creation of Hanoi’s leaders, who installed him to power after Vietnam’s 1978 invasion of Cambodia in an attempt to colonize that country. After 52,000 soldiers were killed and 200,000 wounded in Cambodia, Hanoi’s army was on the verge of revolt. Hanoi had promised its soldiers that there would no more fighting once the U.S. left Vietnam and that soldiers would be rewarded with farmland. While Hanoi was withdrawing its army, Hun Sen stepped up to the plate for Hanoi and gave farmland in Eastern Cambodia to 100,000 demobilized Vietnamese soldiers and made them instant citizens.

Ironically, Kem Sokha and the other critics of Hun Sen received worse treatment during their incarceration than did notorious military chief for the Chinese-backed Pol Pot faction of the Khmer Rouge, the “Butcher” Ta Mok. The Butcher has a rather comfortable cell with a desk and bed and special meals, while the human rights activists shared crowded, vermin and mosquito infested cells with criminals and murderers. It is widely rumored in Cambodia that the reason that Ta Mok and the other Khmer Rouge leaders enjoy special privileges and have not been brought to trial is that they have threatened to “rat out” Hun Sen for his real role in the Khmer Rouge.

Hun Sen and another Cambodian communist party leader, Heng Samrin, were the Vietnamese-backed Khmer Rouge military leaders in charge of the Eastern Zone next to Vietnam that too was rife with “killing fields.” Hun Sen was also in charge of enforcing the K-5 Plan during the Vietnamese invasion, also referred to as the “Petite Genocide,” in which ordinary Cambodians were forced into the mine fields along the Thai border, and had the choice of either being blown up attempting to dig up the mines or being shot if they tried escape.

Furthermore, Hun Sen has enlisted several notorious Khmer Rouge military leaders into his present army, and gave amnesty to Pol Pot’s brother-in-law Ieng Sary, known as “Little Brother No. 2,” who was cofounder and co-leader of Pol Pot’s genocidal killing machine. Hun Sen rewarded Ing Sary and his fellow murders a fiefdom rich in gems on the Thai border, an area now filled with lucrative gambling casinos.

The recent arrests were to silence the growing protest over the borderland giveaway, and to intimidate the opposition before the upcoming elections. The border protests were an embarrassment to both Hanoi and Hun Sen. After the U.S. and other donor countries intervened on behalf of Kem Sokha and the other critics who had been arrested, Hun Sen made a sham gesture and said he forgave them and ordered their release. However, soon after, Hun Sen’s kangaroo court said it could not drop the charges and they would still be prosecuted. Hun Sen sent a message to opposition leader Sam Rainsy that he would be allowed to return to Cambodia if Rainsy wrote a letter asking for clemency.

According to many of his followers, Sam Rainsy acquiesced and surrendered his dignity in a pitiful letter to Hun Sen in which Rainsy confessed that all his accusations and criticisms were lies and begged forgiveness. For them, it's a shame that he fell into Hun Sen’s trap and they now equate him to Neville Chamberlin, saying Rainsy has betrayed his country, his followers, and his friends, and has now destroyed the only functioning opposition in Cambodia. Others say it is better for Rainsy to return to keep a political toehold in Cambodia than be in exile in France. Hun Sen also had Parliamentarian Cheam Channy released from jail, and then Hun Sen asked, or rather directed, the figure head King Norodom Sihamoni to pardon both Channy and Rainsy.

As he did with Prince Ranariddth, the leader of the once viable opposition Royal Party, Hun Sen first emasculated the opposition with false charges, prison sentences, and pardons, and then invited them back to the political trough to share in the wealth of rampant corruption. The release of the jailed political critics and Rainsy's pardon are but a sham to soften next month’s donors meeting. By his actions, Hun Sen is just thumbing his nose at the donors, for he knows they will keep doling out the money to fatten his and his cronies’ bank accounts (e.g., the day Rainsy was sentenced, IMF forgave an 82 million dollar debt that Cambodia owed the fund).

Hun Sen owes all this to Hanoi, and he is a master of playing the donors, one against the others. Vietnam keeps a sizeable force of intelligence and other special forces in a compound near Hun Sen’s to keep him in line and in power. Japan is Cambodia’s largest donor, for it wants to be able to continue to access Vietnam’s markets and cheap labor. Also China is the largest investor in Cambodia, and Japan wants to act as a counter balance to China’s influence. If the present investors in Cambodia’s garment mills go belly-up due to political unrest and declining economy, China will step in to bail them out in order to gain Cambodia’s special garment quota to the United States.

Hun Sen has instilled a climate of fear in all opposition individuals and parties in Cambodia. In spite of this, at an independent forum in the commune of Rokar Khnong, one man said, “In the Khmer Rouge time, my father was served soup and they asked him if it tasted good," one man said. "'Tell the truth,' they said. And so he said it did not taste good, and they killed him. Now when we speak the truth, are we going to be jailed? Is Cambodia going back to the Communists again?"

As a way of consolidating his power, if an elected official speaks out against him, Hun Sen just strips them of their parliamentary immunity and replaces them with his cronies. He has replaced them with some of Cambodia's richest men who have built business empires and now represent the ruling Cambodian communist party (CCP) in the upper house of parliament. They include a casino owner, a teenage pal who owns a multi-million dollar palm oil plantation, a drug lord and tobacco tycoon who financed Hun Sen’s coup in 1997, and a businessman responsible for most of the illegal logging in Cambodia.

Hun Sen and his cronies have set up a number of dummy companies through which donor funds are skimmed and sent to offshore bank accounts. The Hun Sen regime is the epitome of a Kleptocracy -- a government characterized by rampant greed and corruption. The only way that democracy will begin to flourish in Cambodia is for the U.S. and other donor countries to set up a tracking system for money laundering as that for Al Queda and for drug lords and begin freezing the bank accounts of Hun Sen and his corrupt cabal.

Michael Benge spent 11 years in Viet Nam, over five years as a Prisoner of War—1968-73. While serving as a civilian Foreign Service Officer, he was captured in South Viet Nam by the North Vietnamese and held in numerous camps in South Viet Nam, Cambodia, Laos, and North Viet Nam. Mike is a student of South East Asian politics, is very active in advocating for human rights, religious freedom, and a full and accurate accounting for our POW/MIAs, and has written extensively on these subjects.


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Cambodia: Another kind of war

In Cambodia, hundreds, if not thousands of young girls and women are bought and sold, smuggled out of their villages into the larger cities of Cambodia or taken out of the country to places like Thailand and Malaysia — all for the purposes of turning them into sex slaves.

by Karoline Kemp
December 14, 2006

(Editor's note: In September of 2005, Karoline Kemp travelled to Cambodia with Outer Voices, a California-based independent media group, to make a radio documentary program about sex trafficking in Cambodia. The story she told on her return is here. This is a follow-up to her original story.)

Cambodia, a country still recovering from years of strife and a resulting genocide, is now in the throes of another kind of war. Capitalizing on poverty, the breakdown of familial and social structures and a system riddled with corruption, Western pedophiles and sex tourists have long found Cambodia to be an easy place to conduct their business. But now they are taking things a step further. Using the internet and media services, pro-pedophile groups have set up shop in the tiny South East Asian country.

Traveling to Cambodia a year and a half ago with a production team, Outer Voices set out to record the stories of women working to battle the country's sex trafficking problem. We met amazing women – survivors, activists and the staff of the Cambodian Women's Crisis Centre.

Chanthol Oung, the director of CWCC, had been hesitant to allow us into the inner workings of the organization, nervous because an Australian journalist who had interviewed her had gone on to write that although their work was well-intentioned, it was targetting the men accused with sexual exploitation of Cambodian girls and women in order to gain funding.

At that time, we thought little of her fears around this particular subject; we simply went ahead with our work of hearing the voices of these women.

This past year, however, we were contacted again by Chanthol, who told us that the problem was increasing. These pedophiles were becoming more and more organized, and were gaining media coverage that was not only casting doubt on the women's work, but was undermining it as well.

Graham Cleghorn, a New Zealander now convicted and serving time in a Cambodian prison, is one of those pedophiles. Living on the outskirts of touristy Siem Reap and working as a tour guide, Cleghorn had set up shop in Cambodia. He had hired 10 girls to work in his home, paying each of them a relatively decent wage to work as maids. But they were also expected to massage him, and these massages turned into rapes. These rapes finally came to light, and the girls living with Cleghorn were sent to one of the shelters that CWCC runs.
But Cleghorn, faced with the prospect of a large fine and a prison term, was having none of it. He accused the girls of being in cahoots with the Cambodian Women's Crisis Centre in order to target pedophiles to gain media coverage and more funding.

Along with a number of other Western men in similar situations, Cleghorn has made it his business to intimidate, harass and coerce both the general public and the NGO world into the belief that he has been wronged, and that groups like the Cambodian Women's Crisis Centre were trying to cash in on the good intentions of donors by turning Western men visiting or living in Cambodia into pedophiles.

Cleghorn is now appealing his conviction on the grounds that he was framed by the CWCC. In New Zealand and Australia, there is much media coverage of his and other such cases, some of which seems to take seriously his accusations against the CWCC.

All this has gone on in a country where hundreds, if not thousands of young girls and women are bought and sold, smuggled out of their villages into the larger cities of Cambodia or taken out of the country to places like Thailand and Malaysia — all for the purposes of turning them into sex slaves.

Statistics are hard to find, but there are a huge number of girls and women who have been trafficked for the purpose of sex work, and it is suggested that over half of these women are HIV positive. Their families have been torn apart, and more of them will never be able to go back to their homes or communities.

Cases like Cleghorn's not only detract from these realities, but undermine the crucial work that groups in Cambodia are doing to return their country to peace.

Karoline Kemp is a journalist and documentary maker.

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Rainsy Raises Minister's Khmer Rouge History



Thursday, December 14, 2006
By Kay Kimsong
THE CAMBODIA DAILY

SRP leader Sam Rainsy scolded Finance Minister Keat Chhon over his position in the Khmer Rouge regime while speaking on the floor of the National Assembly on Wednesday.

Keat Chhon responded that he will answer to the Cambodian people about his past if he is called upon to do so.

Sam Rainsy made his remarks after comparing the recent evictions of villagers from central Phnom Penh with the mass evacuation of the capital by the Khmer Rouge in April 1975. The only difference, he said, was that Pol Pot forced everyone to leave, while today's authorities only target the poor.

"Excellency Keat Chhon, you may remember that when you were Pol Pot's secretary and adviser, the regime forced all people out of the city," Sam Rainsy said during the debate, which focused on the budget for 2007.

Keat Chhon responded that he had nothing to hide.

"If I, Keat Chhon, am called upon to answer to the Cambodian people and nation about my past, I will answer," he told the Assembly.

Keat Chhon accused Sam Rainsy of attempting to provoke him but said his comments did not bother him.

The exchange on the floor of the Assembly was no more than a few minutes of a much larger discussion on the 2007 draft budget.

Speaking to reporters after the debate, Keat Chhon said Sam Rainsy's verbal attack on him was personal.

"All the things I did, I will respond to history and the nation," he told reporters.

"When [Sam Rainsy] can't find anything to attack me on, he raises my personal life to attack me. It is wrong. It is not true.... We have the [Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia], let them judge."

In 1975, Keat Chhon returned with then-Prince Norodom Sihanouk to Phnom Penh from China, where he had retreated after Lon Nol took power in 1970, according to Justin Corfield and Laura Summers' "Historical Dictionary of Cambodia," published in 2003.

He subsequently served as an interpreter and aide to Prime Minister Pol Pot and Deputy Prime Minister Ieng Sary, the book states. In 1977, he was a member of the Democratic Kampuchea delegation to the UN and in 1981 was appointed roving ambassador for the regime, the book states. Keat Chhon left the Khmer Rouge and in 1983 accepted a post with the UN Development Program in Zaire, according to the Historical Dictionary of Cambodia.

Lao Mong Hay, a senior researcher at the Hong Kong-based Asian Human Rights Commission, said he hopes that Keat Chhon will provide information to the ECCC.

"I applaud Sam Rainsy's challenge to Keat Chhon. He succeeded in getting Keat Chhon to make that commitment to tell his story in public. It is good for the trial," he said.

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