Editorial | Articles about Cambodia | Khmer

Wednesday, December 04, 2013

Cambodia: Investigate Politician In Hit-and-Run Death

Human Rights - Brad Adams (New York) – Political considerations should not be allowed to obstruct a full investigation and possible prosecution of a senior ruling party politician by Cambodian authorities in connection with a fatal hit-and-run traffic accident.



On the morning of November 22, 2013, a Lexus sports utility vehicle carrying Cheam Yeap, a Cambodian People’s Party (CPP) member of the National Assembly, and driven by his bodyguard collided head-on with a motorbike on a national highway in Kien Svay district of Kandal province. The driver of the motorbike, Pin Sophea, died while her husband, Moeun Tha, sitting behind her, was seriously injured.

Witnesses quoted in news reports said that the Lexus dragged the motorbike for approximately 50 meters before driving on without stopping, leaving the injured couple behind and heading off at high speed towards the Cambodian capital, Phnom Penh. The two victims lay on the roadside for 30 minutes before medical assistance arrived. Pin Sophea died the next day in the hospital of head trauma. It is unclear whether she would have survived if Cheam Yeap had transported her to the nearest hospital.

“The wealthy and powerful in Cambodia have a long history of involvement in hit-and-runs of local people on the country’s highways, fueling public anger,” said Brad Adams, Asia director at Human Rights Watch. “The authorities should enforce the law instead of protecting senior CPP politicians. Donors should tell the government that it should not pervert the law to protect a party official.

Cheam Yeap’s lawyer has asserted that his vehicle did not stop and therefore did not provide assistance because he feared that because he was a CPP official, he would be at great risk of violent attack by the local population, even though he was not at fault, and that his flight was therefore not in order to evade any of his legal responsibilities. However, the lawyer has not publicly provided evidence that Cheam Yeap would have been at risk. The lawyer said that Cheam Yeap was asleep at the time of the collision, and that after awakening, telephoned the lawyer to tell him what had happened, after which the lawyer contacted the competent authorities to report. Ear Chariya, the road safety program manager at Handicap International, told the media that “while many drivers in Cambodia fear being attacked by angry witnesses in the wake of a crash, only those who attempt to flee the scene are generally at risk of mob violence.”

Cheam Yeap paid funeral costs for the woman who died and medical fees for her husband, to whom he has also given financial compensation. This has resulted in a decision by the husband not to file a civil complaint against Cheam Yeap. However, this has no effect on his potential criminal liability, Human Rights Watch said.

“One reason the rule of law has not been established in Cambodia is that wealthy and powerful people often pay or threaten victims to keep quiet and not cooperate with criminal investigations,” Adams said.

The Kien Svay district police have put together a file on the incident for the Kandal provincial court for possible further criminal investigation. The provincial police also said they are investigating and will send the results to the provincial court, adding that the file “won’t be long.”

However, a senior Cambodian national judicial official, speaking confidentially, told Human Rights Watch that “there is no possibility” the Kandal court will seriously pursue a judicial inquiry, because like other public institutions in the province it acts under CPP instructions. The police are “just going through the motions to please public opinion,” this source stated. He added that it was particularly unlikely that a Kandal province investigating judge would ever issue an indictment or arrest warrant against Cheam Yeap.

Under Cambodian traffic law, Cheam Yeap may be liable for up to three years in prison. Although he was not the driver, he left the scene of an accident while failing to urgently transport an injured person who later died to the hospital.Article 36 of Cambodia’s Land Traffic Law states that in the event of a traffic accident, “the drivers and all persons using the road involved in the accident, and those seeing the event” must “urgently halt their vehicles” and “urgently inform the local authorities or traffic police.” They are “forbidden from leaving the scene before this is mutually agreed or this is authorized by the traffic police.” Article 38 reiterates that they must “remain at the scene until such time that traffic police arrive.” It adds that if the accident involves injuries or death, these same specified persons must “most urgently” inform the authorities or the traffic police and “most urgently” inform the nearest hospital or transport the injured to that hospital. Furthermore, those in possession of any kind of vehicle are prohibited from “unreasonably rejecting requests” for such assistance.

Several articles in chapter 10 of the traffic law set forth criminal penalties to be determined by the courts. The articles specify that the most serious penalty of imprisonment must be imposed in cases of accidents resulting, even if unintentionally, in injury or death, whenever the perpetrator “flees to absent themselves from the scene with the objective of evading their responsibilities” arising from the accident. A sentence of between one and three years in prison is provided.

Cheam Yeap, a member of the CPP Standing Committee and Central Committee, is likely to be protected from prosecution by the fact that the political administration, police, other security forces and judiciary in the jurisdiction where the accident occurred are strictly controlled by CPP and highly partisan in its favor, as in other parts of Cambodia (see details below). He is currently listed on the CPP website as the 23rd ranking member of the party and is a prominent national assembly spokesperson for the party. He has spearheaded the CPP’s rejection of any independent investigation of malpractices during the July elections. In an October 11 interview, he suggested that heavenly intervention might cause Sam Rainsy, president of the opposition Cambodia National Rescue Party, to be killed in an airplane crash as punishment for seeking an electoral investigation and disrupting Cambodian politics. More recently he has endorsed the methods security forces have employed to deter and suppress anti-CPP demonstrations and unrest, including during incidents in which the use of excessive force has resulted in death and injury, saying the government’s measures are necessary to maintain political security and social order.

Cheam Yeap and his lawyer have pointed out that as a member of parliament he is entitled to parliamentary immunity from criminal prosecution. The CPP has for political reasons on many occasions stripped parliamentary immunity from opposition members of parliament, including of Sam Rainsy, former prime minister Norodom Ranariddh, and former foreign minister Norodom Sirivudh, among others. However, no CPP National Assembly member has ever been stripped of immunity, including in non-political cases.

Cambodia’s roads are dangerous, with an average of more than five traffic-related deaths and 15 injuries daily, according to official statistics. This has prompted a high-level campaign led by Prime Minister Hun Sen and promoted by his children. Persons alleged to be criminally liable in connection with traffic accidents resulting in death or injury are routinely detained for trial.

“If Hun Sen wants to tackle road safety and show that he is serious about ending impunity for powerful officials, he will ensure that a serious investigation is conducted into this fatal hit and run,” Adams said.

Political Biography of Cheam Yeap
Cheam Yeap has been a CPP member of the national assembly since the current institution was established in 1981. In the national elections of July 28, he was elected from the Prey Veng province constituency. He is a member of the Standing Committee of the CPP Central Committee and is a frequent party spokesperson. The CPP has designated him a member of the current, contested national assembly standing committee and chairman of its Economy, Finance, Banking, and Audit Commission.

The July elections were neither free nor fair. The results are contested by the opposition Cambodia National Rescue Party (CNRP). The CNRP has refused to take its seats until an independent and internationally assisted investigation into election fraud and irregularities is conducted. CPP members of the National Assembly have meanwhile reappointed Hun Sen as prime minister, continuing him in a post he has held since 1985, and also established an all-CPP government.

CPP Domination of Kien Svay District and Kandal Province
The CPP senior leader with centrally-delegated authority over party affairs in Kien Svay district of Kandal province is Gen. Mok Chito, chairman of the Central Justice Directorate of the National Police. Mok Chito is concurrently chairman of a CPP work team assigned to advance CPP political interests in the district, in which capacity he acted in an openly partisan manner in connection with the recent national elections. He has a long history of committing, ordering, and covering up human rights violations, including killings, on behalf of the CPP.

In Kandal, like in other Cambodian provinces, the politically most senior judicial police official is the provincial governor (article 60 of the Code of Criminal Procedure), who is also legally the senior security force official, representing the government “on issues related to security, social and public order, law and human rights” within the provincial jurisdiction (article 154 of the Law on the Administrative Management of the Capital, Provinces, Municipalities, Districts and Khans (municipal wards). A senior national security officer has explained to Human Rights Watch, that in line with such authority, governors chair “Unified Command Committees” that formally oversee the work of the police, gendarmes, local army units, militia and public order personnel throughout their areas of administrative responsibility. Such committees date back to the 1980s and are frequently mentioned in the Khmer media, including with reference to Kandal.

The current Kandal governor, Phay Bunchhoeun, is a political appointee of the CPP and a veteran CPP official in the province. Previously, he was a CPP National Assembly member from Kandal.

Kandal Police Commissioner Eav Chamraoen, who is a personal assistant to Hun Sen, also has responsibilities for strengthening the CPP within the province and has repeatedly acted publicly in support of the CPP.

In conversations with Human Rights Watch, Kien Svay residents have described its governor and chief of police as “CPP loyalists.” District Governor Heng Thiem, who chairs the district Unified Command Committee that oversees all district security forces, has deployed them as part of the CPP’s efforts to deter CNRP demonstrations, supposedly to prevent “social turmoil.” The district police inspector, Pa Sàm-et, has referred to the CNRP as “opportunist no-good elements” whose activities threaten public order and security and which must be suppressed to preempt political “anarchy.” He also oversees matters related to traffic. Within the higher police structure, the traffic police are subordinated to the public order police, the same overarching unit that also commands the intervention police, who have played a leading role in the suppression of anti-government unrest.

Cambodian Parliamentary Immunity Provisions
Referring to the general provisions of the Cambodian Constitution, article 4 of the Law on the Statute for Members of the National Assembly guarantees that by virtue of their immunity they “are not to be charged, arrested, held or detained” for ordinary criminal acts, unless – according to article 7 – that immunity is first lifted. Article 8 specifies that the request for the lifting must come from the minister of justice. According to article 9, lifting parliamentary immunity requires a vote of more than two-thirds of all National Assembly members.

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Tuesday, December 03, 2013

Buddhist Monks Did Long March to Capital for International Human Rights Day

Mon, 2 December 2013
Meas Sokchea
The Phnom Penh Post




The long journey on foot from the provinces to Phnom Penh began yesterday for hundreds of villagers and monks who intend to mark December 10’s International Human Rights Day by protesting outside the National Assembly.

Parades of people, expected to grow in size the closer they get to the capital, set off from 16 provincial towns, some of them along national roads, human rights workers said.

Vorn Pov, president of civil-society group Independent Democracy of Informal Economic Association, who headed the parade from Kampong Thom province, said the marchers would trek for nine days to deliver petitions to the ruling Cambodian People’s Party and the opposition Cambodia National Rescue Party asking for action to be taken against human rights abuses.

“We want to send a message to the government to stop the abuse of people’s rights,” he said.

About 1,000 people were marching along five national roads and those involved expected up to 30,000 people on December 10, he added.

Sar Mora, president of the Cambodian Food and Service Workers Federation, who led the parade from Pursat town, said there were about 80 people – some monks – in his group.

“We do not have war – but we do not yet have peace,” he said.

National Assembly spokesman Chheang Vun declined to comment yesterday. The CNRP announced last week it is moving a rally planned for the day from Phnom Penh to Siem Reap to avoid hampering NGOs’ efforts to get permission to use public spaces.

City Hall spokesman Long Dimanche said yesterday that he has yet to receive letters from NGOs asking to use Freedom Park for the event.

“When they file the letter requesting permission, we will consider this request and call them for a meeting,” he said. “We can’t say now whether they will be allowed.”

ADDITIONAL REPORTING BY KHOUTH SOPHAK CHAKRYA AND SHANE WORRELL

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Sunday, December 01, 2013

Lawyers Against ‘Blood Sugar’ Launch Fundraising Campaign

by Kimseng Men VOA Khmer




A US-based group of lawyers has launched an online campaign to raise funding to support a lawsuit against a UK company that bought sugar from a Cambodian plantations linked to human rights abuses.

The campaign is being undertaken by the International Senior Lawyers Project, which is representing a number of displaced villagers.

A successful model “can be used to seek justice for victims of land grabbing not just in Cambodia, but really all around the world,” Heather Einsenlord, human rights program director for the project, said. “The potential impact of a small donation can be quite profound and quite broad.”

Lawyers at the project is investigating the 2006 evictions of 200 families in Koh Kong province, who were forced from their plots of land to make way for industrial sugar plantations. Crops were destroyed, and villagers who resisted say they were brutally attacked. Villagers insist they are the lawful holders of the land.

Rights workers have called the products that come from such operations “blood sugar.”

The International Senior Lawyers Project is bringing suit against the UK company Tate and Lyle, claiming it failed at due diligence and did not confirm that operations at its sugar sources were in accordance with international human rights norms. Officials at Tate and Lyle did not immediately comment.

“We can no longer permit multinational corporations to make enormous profit at the expense of other people’s livelihood, and in some cases, other people’s lives,” Einsenlord said.

The project is aiming to raise $15,000 to cover printing costs for maps that would show villagers’ holdings, to help travel costs for villagers to meet with attorneys in Phnom Penh, and to pay local Cambodian lawyers legal fees, as well as other expenses.

Mark Morstein, a lawyer who is working on the case, said the proceedings will provide a foundation for a number of small farmers to understand Cambodia’s legal system—and that if it fails, they have the ability to seek judgement in international courts.

“It recognizes that many of the human rights violations that are occurring in Cambodia actually have a commercial basis,” he said. “There are commercial courts that have the credibility and have the enforcement mechanisms to compel a remedy where the Cambodian courts either cannot or refuse to do so.”

The project’s website was launched Monday: www.globalgiving.org/projects/islp-cambodian-land-grab

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Regional peers urge gov’t to probe deaths

Thu, 28 November 2013
Eddie Morton
The Phnom Penh Post




An organisation made up of current and former elected representatives from across Southeast Asia has called on the United Nations to investigate the deaths of two people shot by police during protests over the past three months.

In a statement released yesterday, ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights (APHR) slammed the Cambodian government’s failure to “properly investigate” the deaths of Mao Sok Chan and Eng Sokhom.

Sok Chan, 29, was shot in the forehead on September 15 when security forces began firing into a crowd near a police barricade at Phnom Penh’s Kbal Thnal overpass. Uninvolved in the protest, he had been attempting to return to his home after finishing his day’s work as a newspaper binder.

On November 12, 49-year-old Sokhom was shot dead by police when garment workers from SL Garment Processing factory clashed with riot police near her food stand in the capital’s Stung Meanchey district.

Vice president of APHR and former Thai Senator Kraisak Choonhaven pointed the finger squarely at the Cambodian government yesterday, accusing them of not meeting international human rights standards.

“The United Nations and the international community must take a stand on these blatant miscarriages of justice. It has been over two months since security forces shot dead Mao Sok Chan.… The state is clearly not following through with a genuine investigation,” he said.

Kraisak criticised Cambodia’s criminal justice system, saying it “fails to deliver” when allegations are made against state-owned bodies such as the police.

Indonesian lawmaker Eva Kusuma Sundari backed the former senator’s calls amid fears inaction could set a dangerous precedent and lead to further politically motivated violence.

“I am deeply concerned that the common trend of state violence and impunity in ASEAN member states will only worsen if this serious problem is continually brushed under the carpet to ensure a blinkered focus on economics and trade.” Robert Colville, spokesman for the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) in Geneva, urged the Cambodian government to investigate the deaths.

“We are following up with the concerned authorities and urging them to launch a prompt and thorough investigation into these clashes and to ensure full accountability for members of security forces found to have used disproportionate and excessive force.”

Cambodia’s OHCHR representative Wan-Hea Leefurther also condemned the violence, saying there was no excuse for excessive force from either side.

“All use of force should be investigated, particularly when they lead to fatalities or injuries,” she said.

Council of Ministers spokesman Phay Siphan yesterday responded to those calls, saying any move by a non-government body to interfere in the case would be seen as a direct insult to Cambodia’s sovereignty.

“The government has employed a ‘special committee’ to investigate the deaths, but have not yet found anything.… Cambodia is a sovereign state and any NGO that interferes must have respect for that,” Siphan told the Post. The spokesman added that police and security forces had been cooperating with the so-far-fruitless investigation.

Military police spokesman Kheng Tito said that while the matter was for the National Police to deal with, he welcomed the idea of a UN investigation into the shootings.

“I welcome a UN investigation in order to find the truth and to have a true report from the incident and for the sake of transparency,” he said.

National Police spokesman Kirt Chantharith could not be reached.

ADDITIONAL REPORTING BY BUTH REAKSMEY KONGKEA

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The hazards of youth

Thu, 28 November 2013
Shane Worrell
The Phnom Penh Post


About 10 per cent of Cambodian children aged between five and 17 are “child labourers” – undertaking work deemed unsuitable or illegal for them – while almost 240,000 children are working in hazardous conditions, a report released yesterday says.

The Cambodia Child Labour 2012 report, compiled by the National Institute of Statistics (NIS), the Ministry of Planning and the International Labour Organisation, says the Kingdom has about 429,000 child labourers, 383,000 of whom live in rural areas.

According to the report, half of the total number of child labourers had either dropped out of school or never attended in the first place.

About 236,000 of those children were undertaking hazardous work, the majority of them in rural areas, it adds.

“Five of every nine child labourers were engaged in hazardous labour.”

Speaking at the launch of the report yesterday, Bijoy Raychaudhuri, project director for an ILO child labour elimination program, said the study was the first of its kind in Cambodia since 2001.

“One thing we find … Cambodia being a rural economy, most of the child labour is in the agricultural sector and working in informal business,” he said.

The total number of children aged five to 17 considered to be “working children” is 750,000 out of a nationwide population of about four million children in the age group.

And while many of them undertook employment that was permissible under the law, Raychaudhuri said, “about 57 per cent of the working children are in child labour that should be eliminated”.

“This is one clear message that this report brings out,” he said.

The definition of “child labour” used by the report’s authors is broad. If a child aged 5 to 11 engages in just one hour of “economic activity” in one week, she or he is considered a child labourer. Children aged 12 to 14 must work more than 12 hours per week or any amount of time in hazardous conditions to fit the category. And children aged 15 to 17 – who are legally allowed to undertake non-hazardous work – are considered child labourers if they work more than 48 hours in one week or work at all in hazardous conditions.

By definition, hazardous tasks can include working at a construction site or factory, logging, operating heavy machinery and brick-making.

Despite perceptions that young children were being widely exploited, Raychaudhuri said, most of the “child labourers” are aged 12 to 17.

“So five to 11, the child population is very limited.”

The child labour report was released simultaneously yesterday with the Cambodia Labour Force 2012 report.

In that report, it was revealed that the working-age population – people aged 15 and over – had increased to 10.7 million in 2012, up 1.9 million people from 2008. Sixty-nine per cent of those of working age are part of the labour force. Of that figure, only 2.7 per cent are unemployed.

Data in both reports was collected by surveying almost 10,000 households in every province.

Those conducting the surveys, however, did not have access to children who live at workplaces or those who have been exploited for sex- or drug-trafficking purposes.

“Children living outside the household are not captured by this survey.… That’s a different survey,” Raychaudhuri said.

Asked whether responses garnered from households reflected the true nature of how those within them were affected by child labour, he added that the survey assumed that parents answering questions knew how many hours per week their children worked.

“It could be that if they know it is illegal, they would not give the right answer. It is possible.”

In a statement, Maurizio Bussi, officer-in-charge of the ILO’s Cambodia office, said regular follow-up surveys were essential to working towards ending child labour in the country.

Heang Kanol, deputy director-general of the National Institute of Statistics at the Ministry of Planning, did not say at the launch how frequently the surveys would be repeated.

In the child labour report’s foreword, Minister of Planning Chhay Than said he expected the report would be useful to “planners and policy-makers”.

“Eliminating child labour in Cambodia is one of the most urgent challenges of the government,” he says.

Despite some high-profile issues with underage workers in factories, incidents of child labour in garment factories are in the minority, the report says.

“That’s been the case for the past 10 years,” Garment Manufacturers Association in Cambodia secretary-general Ken Loo said yesterday.

Underage workers using fake identification to gain work, however, remained an issue. “But we have been advocating … to help factories identify that.”

As for agricultural workers and construction workers in rural areas, Moeun Tola, head of the labour program at Community Legal Education Centre, said it was difficult to know the full extent of the child labour problem.

“We don’t have concrete reports [on rural areas]. It’s a concern.”

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Friday, November 29, 2013

Cambodia Opposition Party To Demand Re-Election

Radio Free Asia
The Cambodia National Rescue Party (CNRP) will push for a re-election if Prime Minister Hun Sen’s government continues to refuse calls for an independent probe into widespread irregularities in the July polls, the opposition party’s deputy president, Kem Sokha, said Tuesday.

He warned that the party, which has boycotted parliament over the disputed polls, would demand new elections during mass protests beginning Dec. 15 to put pressure on the government to conduct a post-mortem of the July 28 vote.

“We want to send the message to the government and the National Election Committee [the government-appointed election body] that we are demanding the truth, and if they don’t give us the truth, we will demand a re-election,” Kem Sokha told RFA’s Khmer Service.

Following a mass demonstration on Dec. 15, the party will hold regular demonstrations every Sunday until its demand is met, he said.

He said the party was hoping to see 300,000 people—or a tenth of the 3 million people the CNRP says voted for it in the polls—turn out for the demonstration.

“We will make the [Dec. 15] mass demonstration bigger in all respects,” Kem Sokha said.

“After December 15, we will hold demonstrations every Sunday.”

The Dec. 15 protest will follow CNRP gatherings marking World Human Rights Day on Dec. 10 in Phnom Penh and Siem Reap.

CPP-CNRP talks

CNRP lawmakers have refused to join parliament unless their call for an investigation into the polls are met, leaving the party in a political deadlock with Hun Sen’s  Cambodian People’s Party (CPP) which had been declared polls winner by the National Election Committee.

Talks between the two parties have stalled after a meeting earlier this month yielded little progress.

The CNRP has insisted the talks must have on the agenda discussions about an investigation into poll fraud, resignation of election officials, and implementation of recommendations from U.N. experts and NGOs on electoral and other reforms.

On Tuesday, the chief of the CPP’s negotiation team Prum Sokha said the party was waiting for the CNRP to make a fresh move to hold talks.

“The CPP’s door is still open for any talks,” he told RFA.

But CNRP spokesman Yim Sovann responded that his party will only resume talks if the CPP accepts their agenda, which includes pressing for justice for voters, resignation of the NEC members, and electoral reforms.

The CNRP has claimed that election irregularities, including the removal of one million voters from the electoral rolls, robbed it of election victory.

The National Election Committee awarded the CPP 68 parliamentary seats to the CNRP’s 55 in the election, but the CNRP claims it won at least 63 seats and has called for a U.N.-backed investigation and led a series of mass demonstrations against the results.

Reported by Huot Vuthy for RFA’s Khmer Service. Translated by Samean Yun. Written in English by Rachel Vandenbrink.

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Thursday, November 28, 2013

Activists patrol forest for crime

Wed, 27 November 2013
May Titthara
The Phnom Penh Post



Activists in Prey Lang forest yesterday began their second round of patrols this year, with 500 members of the Prey Lang Community Network setting out on a five-day campaign to prevent forest crimes.

Armed with about 200 motorbikes, teams made up of community representatives from four provinces surrounding Prey Lang – Preah Vihear, Kampong Thom, Stung Treng and Kratie provinces – will descend on the forest in an attempt to halt illegal logging, which has reportedly increased since the election in July.

Seng Sok Heng, a coordinator for the activists, said the patrols had been organised in direct response to reports of increased logging since the election period.

“Deforestation not only destroys forests but adversely affects the people’s occupation and livelihood around the areas because their living depends on byproducts,” he said.

In Kratie province, the activists said plantation firm Sueng Biotec had encroached 30 kilometres into Prey Lang, logging some 100 cubic metres of timber.

“We are considering with the communities . . . what to do with the timber,” Heng said.

Tycoon Try Pheap transported thousands of cubic metres of luxury wood daily in Preah Vihear and Kampong Thom provinces in a systematic program of deforestation with the complicity of the local authorities, he added.

However, in Kratie and Stung Treng provinces the forest had been cut chaotically while the authorities looked on.

“Deforestation occurred at an alarming rate because the authorities have not taken stringent measures to eliminate those activities, but rather they work together,” Heng said.

The patrol also met with timber buyers and sellers yesterday and asked them to sign a pledge to stop deforestation, said Svay Pheoun, a community representative in Preah Vihear.

“We did not abuse them, because they do not destroy [the forest] on a large scale like those gigantic companies. We just took their pictures and reported it to the governor for legal action” he said.

Ut Sam Orn, Kampong Thom provincial governor, declined to comment, while Kratie Governor Sar Chamrong could not be reached.

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Fund scandal not enough to deter donors

Wed, 27 November 2013
Kevin Ponniah
The Phnom Penh Post

While key foreign donors to Cambodia have said that government officials implicated in an internal Global Fund probe that exposed bribe-taking in the Ministry of Health must be investigated and brought to justice, a toughening of aid conditions does not appear to be a step any are willing to take.

In largely identical statements to the Post, the EU delegation and the Swedish, German and British embassies backed the Global Fund’s strong stance against corruption but did not respond to whether their own oversight procedures for development assistance to Cambodia had been strengthened since the report’s findings emerged.

“The amounts misused must be recovered, the individuals brought to justice, and the companies sanctioned if they are found to have breached the strict supplier code of conduct of the Global Fund,” they said.

The Anti-Corruption Unit has said it is investigating the report’s findings – which exposed a network of kickbacks and sponsorships from mosquito-net suppliers in exchange for contracts – but has yet to determine whether former officials at the National Malaria Center (CNM), the National Center for HIV/AIDS, Dermatology and STDs (NCHADS) and MEDiCAM are guilty of corruption.

US embassy spokesman John Simmons said the US government was keeping an eye on the Anti-Corruption Unit (ACU).

“The US government is monitoring the actions of the Anti-Corruption Unit, and we continue to encourage the ACU to conduct a full and transparent investigation,” he said. “The US government is ever-mindful of the potential for misuse of development assistance funds, no matter to which country provide.”

He emphasised that most US-supported programs in Cambodia were implemented by civil society and the private sector.

Germany, the Global Fund’s third-biggest bilateral donor, warned that “donor confidence and motivation depend on cooperation free of corruption and fraud”.

“The determination of the Royal Government of Cambodia in pursuing this matter will no doubt be an important signal for the donor community,” German ambassador Joachim Baron von Marschall said.

French embassy first secretary Nicolas Baudouin said that France would continue to “monitor the situation closely”.

All foreign donors that responded to the Post pledged continued support of the Global Fund, and praised its efforts to bolster financial oversight.

Since preliminary investigation findings emerged in July last year, the Fund replaced the CNM as a principal recipient for malaria grants, appointed an external fiduciary agent to control NCHADS expenditure and has required pooled procurement for all health products in Cambodia.

The Asian Development Bank, Cambodia’s current lead donor partner, expects to provide more than $500 million in loans and grants to the government between 2013 and 2015.

“ADB applies very stringent safeguards to ensure all funds administered by ADB are used for their intended purposes,” country director Eric Sidgwick said.

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Cambodian NGOs Reveal Poll Fraud Report



Three nongovernmental organizations in Cambodia on Wednesday jointly released reports detailing irregularities from disputed recent polls, saying they demonstrated a “need for real reform” of the national electoral body before the country could hold free and fair elections.

Among the irregularities from Cambodia’s July 28 election were allegations of missing or duplicated voter names, an electoral campaign biased in favor of Prime Minister Hun Sen’s ruling Cambodian People’s Party (CPP) and voting by foreign nationals, the NGOs said at a press conference in Phnom Penh.

The NGOs—Committee for Free and Fair Elections in Cambodia (Comfrel), Neutral and Impartial Committee for Free and Fair Elections in Cambodia (NICFEC) and Cambodian Center for Independent Media (CCIM)—said the list of claims was based on investigations they conducted at community forums around the country.

Comfrel official Sin Tithseila said that the National Election Committee (NEC)—Cambodia’s government-appointed election body—“needs real reform in order to have a free and fair election,” based on the “more than 10,000” cases of irregularities his organization documented.

“When Comfrel audited the [voting] lists, we found problems,” Sin Tithseila said at the press conference.

“Voters … couldn’t find their names—or found name duplicates—and a single voter could [turn in ballots] in many different places.”

The opposition Cambodia National Rescue Party (CNRP) has made repeated calls for an independent probe into claims of voter fraud in Cambodia’s election, which Hun Sen’s government has refused to heed following an official announcement declaring the CPP the victor.

The CNRP has since boycotted parliament over the disputed polls and said it would demand new elections during mass protests beginning Dec. 15 to put pressure on the government to examine the allegations of irregularities.

CCIM director Pa Ngoun Teang said his organization’s report shows that NEC officials were “biased in favor of the CPP,” that voters were seen casting ballots without providing identification, and that illegal “Vietnamese immigrants were allowed to vote.”

CCIM official Nop Vy added that identification cards were “issued non-transparently,” resulting in some voters being “barred from ballot offices while others cast ballots on their behalf.”

He said the report on election irregularities would be sent to NEC officials, along with recommendations on how to reform the electoral process.

CNRP lawmaker Mao Monyvann, who participated in Tuesday’s conference, said that Hun Sen’s government “doesn’t have the political will to carry out election reform.”

He added that even with laws in place, irregularities—such as voting by illegal Vietnamese immigrants—still took place on a large scale, suggesting that implementation is lacking.

Political deadlock

Talks between the CNRP and the CPP have stalled after a meeting earlier this month yielded little progress.

The CNRP has insisted the talks must have on the agenda discussions about an investigation into poll fraud, resignation of election officials, and implementation of recommendations from U.N. experts and NGOs on electoral and other reforms.

The opposition has claimed that election irregularities, including the removal of one million voters from the electoral rolls, robbed it of election victory.

The NEC awarded the CPP 68 parliamentary seats to the CNRP’s 55 in the election, but the CNRP claims it won at least 63 seats and has called for a U.N.-backed investigation and led a series of mass demonstrations against the results.

On Tuesday, CNRP deputy president Kem Sokha vowed that, following a mass demonstration on Dec. 15, his party will hold regular demonstrations every Sunday until its demands are met.

Reported by Zakariya Tin for RFA’s Khmer Service. Translated by Samean Yun. Written in English by Joshua Lipes.

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ASEAN parliamentarians call for independent investigations into deadly shootings of protesters in Cambodia

BANGKOK — Parliamentarians from across Southeast Asia today called on the United Nations and the international community to conduct independent investigations into recent deaths in Cambodia at the hands of state security forces, including the shooting dead of a 29-year-old man at pro-democracy demonstrations in Phnom Penh in September and the killing of a labour protester earlier this month.
“The United Nations and the international community must take a stand on these blatant miscarriages of justice. It has been over two months since security forces shot dead Mao Sok Chan and injured others when they opened fire on a crowd of protesters, and the state is clearly not following through with a genuine investigation,” said Kraisak Choonhavan, ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights Vice President.

“By conducting an independent inquiry and seeking to hold the Cambodian government to account for their failure to properly investigate these deaths in line with international human rights and legal standards, we not only seek justice for the families of victims but also send a clear message that impunity for state officials will not be tolerated.”

Mao Sok Chan died after being shot in the head on September 15, 2013, at Kbal Thnal Bridge, Phnom Penh. The 29-year-old laborer was caught up in crowds after police set up roadblocks following a day of political protests in the capital when police allegedly fired indiscriminately on commuters, local residents and demonstrators. To date, there has been no credible investigation into the incident.
Also, on November 12, one person was killed and eight others injured when security forces in riot gear used tear gas, guns and sticks to break up a strike by garment workers at the Singapore-owned SL Garment Processing (Cambodia) Ltd.

Political tensions in Cambodia have risen since hotly contested national elections on 28 July. APHR calls on all parties to disavow violence and prioritize human rights and the rule of law as the country seeks to move forward from the current deadlock. As in other countries in the region, the criminal justice system, particularly when it comes to allegations against state actors, continually fails to deliver, APHR said.
“Responsibility falls on the government and arms of the justice system to ensure that all acts of political violence will not be tolerated, either by protesters or state security forces,” said Eva Kusuma Sundari, AIPMC President and Indonesian Member of Parliament.

“We all want to see Cambodia move through this difficult period peacefully. The failure of the state to properly investigate alleged acts of violence by security forces is setting a dangerous precedent and could lead to an escalation of violence during a tense political period in Cambodia.”

Similar failures of the criminal justice system are commonplace in Indonesia and elsewhere in Southeast Asia, APHR said, calling on ASEAN to step up its mandate to ensure peace and stability in the region.
“ASEAN must find a way to end violence perpetrated by state apparatuses before entering an integrated economic community,” said Ms. Sundari.

“I am deeply concerned that the common trend of state violence and impunity in ASEAN member states will only worsen if this serious problem is continually brushed under the carpet to ensure a blinkered focus on economics and trade. ASEAN must change and begin to put the basic welfare of its people first.”
The United Nations and the international community have a duty to press governments to uphold international commitments to human rights standards. In lieu of any proper investigation by the Cambodian authorities, the international community, including ASEAN institutions, must help to ensure justice for the victims of state-sponsored violence and apply pressure on the Cambodian government to meet its international responsibilities.

According to local human rights observers, there have been ten fatal shootings and eight separate incidents of non-fatal shootings by authorities using excessive force in the past 20 months. Only in one out of the 10 lethal cases has there been what human rights observers agree to be a credible investigation.
Many of the families of victims have been offered financial compensation in return for agreement to end legal proceedings against the alleged aggressors. Concerns have been raised that families have been intimidated or coerced into accepting the financial settlements. Moreover, the settlement of a civil dispute does not release prosecutors from their duty to investigate alleged crimes, APHR said.

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ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights (APHR) is a collective of lawmakers from Southeast Asia working to improve human rights responses and social justice in the region.

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Tuesday, November 26, 2013

Cambodia's Supreme Court Orders Land Activist Freed on Bail

Robert Carmichael - VOA
November 22, 2013

PHNOM PENH — Cambodia’s Supreme Court ordered the release of a land rights activist on Friday who has spent more than a year in jail on what rights groups claim are trumped-up charges. However, despite the release, the ruling from the five-judge bench disappointed many by sending the case back to a lower court for further investigation.

Yorm Bopha, a 30-year old mother of one, is a prominent member of a group of residents of an area in the capital known as Boeung Kak lake, where in recent years thousands of families have been evicted as part of an opaque land deal.

Her case has garnered attention at home and abroad, especially after rights group Amnesty International named her a prisoner of conscience, and called on its members to take action. Thousands wrote or emailed on her behalf.

On Friday, hopes were high among hundreds of Yorm Bopha’s assembled supporters, including many Buddhist monks, that the judiciary would free her unconditionally.

Yorm Bopha was confident as well. Speaking during a recess before the Supreme Court handed down its decision, she thanked people inside and outside Cambodia for their efforts.

Bopha said she was grateful for everyone's support, and was hopeful the court would "deliver justice" for her.

In the event, the Supreme Court ordered her released on bail, and instructed a lower court to revisit her case. It was much less than she and her supporters had hoped for.

Minutes later, Yorm Bopha told the media of her disappointment.

Bopha said she felt despondent that the case is being returned to the Appeal Court.  She said this is being done to "shackle" her, and shows that authorities do not want her to file another complaint.

A municipal court sentenced Yorm Bopha to three years in jail last December for her alleged involvement in an attack on two men. Earlier this year, the Appeal Court reduced that term to two years. On Friday, the Supreme Court sent the case back to the Appeal Court and instructed it to examine all of the evidence.

Rights groups say the problem is that no evidence has ever been presented indicating that Yorm Bopha was involved in the case.

Outside the court, Amnesty International’s Cambodia researcher, Rupert Abbott, said the verdict has generated mixed feelings.

“Of course we’re pleased that she’s released - I think it shows that activism works. Her community’s been very active, day in, day out, and they’ve had some support from others, including Amnesty International members. We’re really pleased that she’s released. But we’re disappointed because the saga’s still continuing. The case has been sent back to the Appeal Court. She’s only released effectively on bail so it’s hanging over her. It’s another attempt to stop her activism and to silence her. So we’re concerned about that,” said Abbott.

Abbott said that he hoped the lower court - when it eventually looks into the case - would accept that there is no evidence against her.

“Let’s hope that her release today is a positive sign. Let’s hope that it symbolizes a change in attitude from the authorities - the government’s promised reforms here. Let’s hope her release today shows that this trend - harassing, threatening, attacking, imprisoning human rights defenders - let’s hope it’s coming to an end,” continued Abbott.

After the hearing on Friday, dozens of Yorm Bopha’s supporters followed her back to the prison to await her release, which will take place once officials have processed the necessary paperwork. She is expected to leave jail Friday.

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Monday, November 26, 2012

Obama finds Southeast Asia much tougher than he thought — Murray Hunter


NOV 25 — US President Barack Obama’s visits to both Thailand and Myanmar went symbolically well. He did all the right things in Thailand and in spite of all the reservations about Obama’s Myanmar visit, he may have sent all the right messages, particularly through the way the visit was orchestrated and his speech at Rangoon University where he talked strongly about inclusiveness. Local news reports in local papers warmly reported the visit.
However the same could not be said for his visit to Cambodia.
Like Myanmar, Obama’s trip to Cambodia was also criticised by some human rights activists. And probably it was a visit with more concerns because, unlike Myanmar’s Thein Sien who has started on a road of liberalisation and opening up to the world, Hun Sen is reluctant to carry out any major reform in the country.
Human rights watch published a list of numerous breaches of human rights in Cambodia over the last 20 years, forcing Obama’s hand to declare publicly that his visit to Cambodia was only to attend the ASEAN and East Asian Summits.

There are many reports that Obama’s meeting with Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen upon arrival in Cambodia was a very tense one. The Obama administration, although not Obama directly, had previously criticised Hun Sen for his human rights record, political intimidation, imprisonment of opposition leaders, forced expulsion of peasants from the land, and the failure to hold free and fair elections.
A report in The Cambodian Daily reported the meeting between the two leaders and gave a very different account to the version that Obama aides gave the media.
According to Reuters quoting US deputy National Security Advisor Ben Rhodes the meeting was almost totally devoted to human rights, but speaking at a press conference after the meeting, the Cambodian Council of Ministers Secretary of State Prak Sokhon said that Obama had only raised human rights issues because of being asked to by US lawmakers.
Ahead of the meeting Obama was specifically urged to ask for a pardon for opposition leader Sam Rainsy so he could return to Cambodia without having to serve an 11 year jail sentence believed to be politically motivated. According to Prak Sokhon this matter was not brought up by Obama at all.
According to Prak Sokhon, Hun Sen did request that a US$400 million loan with interest given to the Lon Nol Government back in the 1970s be converted to 30 per cent of that amount with a 1 per cent interest rate, where the Cambodian government could spend the rest of the loan amount on education and cultural projects. Sohkon remarked that this request was met with silence by Obama.
Hun Sen is a long-time politician in the region seasoned by frequent criticism from other foreign leaders over the years. Obama is just another one of those leaders and Hun Sen may even outlast Obama in office. Cambodia receives aid from China, South Korea and even Vietnam with little in the way of conditions over the use of the funds or rhetoric about human rights, something he continually says publicly. Therefore Obama’s visit and statements to Hun Sen just went on deaf ears.
Consequently, the US pivot into Asia is unlikely to include Cambodia. It appears naval ship visits, joint military exercises, counter terrorism training, and cooperation on human trafficking over the last five years have done little to warm up US-Cambodian relations. On the contrary, Obama’s visit to Cambodia has benefitted Hun Sen who could bask in the photo and TV opportunities with the US President which were all displayed prominently on Cambodian television.
The ASEAN Summit once again failed to reach any consensus in regards to territorial sea disputes with China. The Philippines even lodged a formal protest against Cambodia accusing it of suppressing discussion on disputed territorial areas with Vietnam. No questions from the media were answered on these matters during the summit.
This was a good close-up and personal lesson for Obama on the difficulty of reaching agreement to act within the region. The President’s Asia pivot is necessary for the US to create free trade agreements so the economy can continue to grow and maintain a balance of power in the region vis a vis China.
If Obama’s time on the ground in Cambodia is an example of his effectiveness in achieving his Southeast Asian policy objectives, it’s going to be a tough road ahead. — The Jakarta Post
* The writer is an associate professor at University Malaysia Perlis, and the author of a number of books on agriculture, economics, and entrepreneurship.
This is the personal opinion of the writer or publication and does not necessarily represent the views of The Malaysian Insider.

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Tuesday, November 13, 2012

Sam Rainsy, the voice of the Cambodian opposition in exile

11/09/2012
By Francois Bougon
Le Monde GEO WORLD AND POLICY
Translated from French by Pok Peuk



From his exile in Paris, Sam Rainsy, the leader of the Cambodian opposition prepares himself for a quick return to Phnom Penh . For him, the death on 15 October 2012 of former king Norodom Sihanouk provides a perfect opportunity for the regime which sentenced him to twelve years in jail in 2010, to redeem its injustice. "In Asia, face saving is a must. There are situations that would allow some to save their honor," he argues from his apartment near the Eiffel Tower.

"Experience shows that there is always a solution, this is not a legal issue but a political one. Sihanouk's death will encourage the solution policy ," the former Minister of Economy and Finance of the Government of coalition between 1993 and 1994 weighs in. In 2006, Sam Rainsy was pardoned by the king after being sentenced to eighteen months in prison. This time, he sent letters to Hun Sen, the Prime Minister, and to Norodom Sihamoni, the king who is Sihanouk's son, to allow him to "see the face of the hero-king for one last time." The former king died in Beijing at 89 and his body was repatriated back to the Cambodian capital.

Relationships between Sam Rainsy’s family and Sihanouk illustrate the tragic history of the Kingdom of Cambodia during the 20th century. His father, Sam Sary, a French speaker and a Francophile just like Sihanouk, fought alongside the latter after the World War II in order to obtain independence from France for this small country wedged between two giants: Thailand and Vietnam. In 1954, Sam Sary was part of the Cambodian delegation to the Geneva Conference for peace in Indochina. Thanks to his tenacity, he made the kingdom – which was under French protectorate since the 19th century – able to assert its existence despite the strategic greed of the Superpowers which was willing to sacrifice it and despite the appetite of neighboring countries. However, the faithful Sam Sary, a high ranking official of the regime and Minister of Economy, Financial Affairs and Planning, started to break away and he became to the eyes of Sihanouk a "traitor to the nation" after he left in exile and became involved with the anticommunist "Khmer Serey" opposition movement. Sam Sary eventually would killed by his own allies. 

"The Banana Kingdom" 

Sam Sary’s family, including his son Rainsy, fell the downfall and they eventually left for France which became his adopted country. Rainsy, meaning "light" in Cambodian, was named in honor of Paris (known as the City of Light) and French philosophers from the 18th century, continued his high school study at the French Lycée Janson-de-Sailly [in Paris] and graduated from Sciences Po [Political Science University]. Following a stint as a Financial Analyst in a large bank, he finally tasted political action by getting involved with Cambodian refugees who fled the Khmer Rouge horror. During that time, he also became closer to Norodom Sihanouk. "He can blamed for a lot of things, but he has two qualities that explain Cambodian respect for him: his integrity and the fact that he has always fought for the independence of his country," Sam Rainsy explained about Sihanouk. 

After a brief stint at the head of the Ministry of Economy and Finance in the coalition government between 1993 and 1994, Sam Rainsy then left to form the opposition and he never ceased to denounce Cambodia’s strongman, Hun Sen, who came to power since 1985. Hun Sen was a former Khmer Rouge soldier who switched to the Vietnamese which occupied Cambodia from 1979 to 1989. In 1991, the Paris Agreements was signed and it led to national reconciliation and political pluralism which, ironically, was never practiced. Sam Rainsy argued: "This is a Banana Kingdom led by a mafia state built around corruption, human trafficking and drug dealing. In order to hide the reality of a single party state, Hun Sen always made use of the monarchy." 

Nevertheless, for the opposition leader, the moment of truth beckons: the opposition is now united. His political party, the Sam Rainsy Party, and the Human Rights Party decided to merge for the general election in July 2013. "If we look at history of Eastern Europe, the opposition must be united to win, this is sine qua non condition before 2013." To lead the election campaign, Sam Rainsy expects to be physically present in Cambodia to challenge Hun Sen. 

1949: Born in Phnom Penh, Cambodia’s capital 
1965: Left for France. 
1993-1994: Minister of Economy and Finance in the coalition government. 
1995: Formed the opposition movement.

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Saturday, October 27, 2012

Cambodian King Left Mixed Legacy

By PATRICK BARTA  

THE WALL STREET JOURNAL





Norodom Sihanouk, a two-time king who helped guide the small Southeast Asian nation of Cambodia through its first years of independence but ultimately failed to prevent it from descending into genocide at the end of the Vietnam War, died early Monday of natural causes in Beijing. He was 89 years old.

br/> According to state-run Xinhua news agency, Chinese Vice President Xi Jinping, Chinese State Councilor Dai Bingguo, Director of the General Office of the CPC Central Committee Li Zhanshu and Foreign Minister Yang Jiechi visited Cambodia's former Queen Norodom Monineath Sihanouk on Monday morning to express their condolences and sympathy. "We are greatly shocked and grieved to learn that His Majesty former King Sihanouk died this morning in Beijing," Mr. Xi said after a silent tribute in front of a portrait of Mr. Sihanouk. 


Mr. Xi spoke highly of Mr. Sihanouk as an old friend of the Chinese people, who he said would live in the hearts of Chinese and Cambodian people forever. Mr. Xi said that he believed that the friendship between the two nations would continue and develop, according to Xinhua. 


The energetic, mercurial leader was considered a major figure in 20th century Asian politics, and his years in power are remembered fondly by many Cambodians, many of whom viewed him as semidivine and credited him with securing Cambodia's freedom from France in the 1950s. His skillful diplomacy in the 1960s helped ensure that Cambodia wasn't swept into the mushrooming conflict in neighboring Vietnam, though he was eventually pushed from power as the conflict there escalated. 


The legacy of Mr. Sihanouk's operatic life is tainted by his complex and controversial association with the Khmer Rouge, a radical left-wing insurgency that controlled Cambodia from 1975 to 1979 and launched one of the worst genocides of the 20th century, leaving more than a million Cambodians dead. Although historians say Mr. Sihanouk didn't actively participate in Khmer Rouge policy making and deplored its tactics, he at times aligned himself with the group in hopes of regaining his power, and some critics say his affiliation with the group helped its cause. 


In a 2005 memoir, Mr. Sihanouk said he "dared to struggle in alliance with the Red Khmers, against U.S. imperialism" but ultimately "condemned the despotic and bloody regime" of the Khmer Rouge, which he said "elevated lying, deception and intellectual dishonesty to the rank of a state institution." 


Mr. Sihanouk still has many defenders, including some Cambodian historians who argue he wanted what he thought was best for his country, including peace, independence and recognition on the world stage. But he also was criticized widely for vanity and a domineering style, and for treating Cambodians as if they were children who couldn't decide their fates without his supreme guidance.

Photos
It isn't fair to blame Mr. Sihanouk directly for the atrocities of the Khmer Rouge, but his refusal to nurture a more mature democracy and bring other voices into government while he was in power "opened the way" for more-radical leftists to take over, said Milton Osborne, a former Australian diplomat in Cambodia and visiting fellow at the Lowy Institute for International Policy in Sydney.
"I think he can be faulted fundamentally for his inability to share responsibility with anyone in the Cambodian state and his belief that he, and he alone, knew what was best for Cambodia," said Mr. Osborne. 


Mr. Sihanouk was a survivor, though, and in his later years Cambodians and international diplomats turned to him again as one of the few figures capable of unifying the war-torn country. He became king again in 1993, a post he held until 2004. In many ways the decision was an affirmation of Mr. Sihanouk's exceptional political skill, which he used to play superpowers off each other while scrambling to maintain a role for himself at home. With his health woes mounting, he abdicated in 2004, allowing the throne to pass to his son, former ballet dancer Norodom Sihamoni. His son is still on the throne in the largely ceremonial position. 


Mr. Sihanouk was known as a hard worker who distrusted strict ideologies and foreign intervention, though he labored to charm foreign leaders with a legendary attention to detail when it served his interests. Diplomats recalled that he made sure British royalty were treated to British toilet paper during a visit before the Vietnam War. 


He was something of a bon vivant, producing his own films, heading up a jazz band, and playing saxophone at late-night parties. He often boasted of his amorous adventures, and fathered 14 children from at least five marriages. 


Mr. Sihanouk was born in 1922 in Phnom Penh. Over the years, the royal family's powers had been chipped away as France expanded its influence in Cambodia in the 19th and early 20th centuries. French officials chose then-Prince Sihanouk for the throne in 1941 because they thought he would be weak and compliant, serving as a figurehead while French authorities administered the state. 


But King Sihanouk proved hard to manage. He rallied public support for independence, and secured it in 1953 as France sought to rein in its colonial adventures. A year later, Mr. Sihanouk abdicated to remake himself as a mass politician, serving as prime minister and in other roles that enabled him to effectively dominate Cambodian politics until 1970. 


As Cambodia's main leader in that period, he took many steps to improve the country, including spending heavily on education. But the economy struggled at times after he nationalized key industries as part of a program he termed "Buddhist Socialism," and he became increasingly autocratic, cracking down on dissidents whom he saw as a threat to public order. 


He steered a neutral course when tensions rose in Vietnam, though doing so became harder as the conflict escalated. Facing pressure from North Vietnam, he broke off diplomatic ties with the U.S. in the mid-1960s, and later retreated more into filmmaking, which critics said detached him from policy making and the realities of his country's poverty. At a 1969 international film festival stage-managed by the royal household, one of his films was awarded a solid gold statue made from ingots donated by Cambodia's national bank. 


A year later, Mr. Sihanouk was overthrown by a pro-U.S. government, and the U.S. military expanded bombing campaigns in the country to flush out communists taking refuge there. In exile in Beijing, Mr. Sihanouk allied himself with China's communists and the Khmer Rouge, who were trying to oust Cambodia's new leader, Lon Nol. When the Khmer Rouge succeeded, taking over Phnom Penh in 1975, Mr. Sihanouk was installed, temporarily, as the Khmer Rouge's puppet head of state. 


Upon his return to Phnom Penh, Mr. Sihanouk became a prisoner of the new regime, led by dictator Pol Pot, which wanted to make Cambodia into a Maoist utopia by abolishing private property and currency and setting up agricultural collectives around the country. The movement forced nearly all Phnom Penh residents into the countryside and massacred perceived enemies of the state, including some of Mr. Sihanouk's relatives, on a mass scale. 


Vietnamese invaders toppled the Khmer Rouge in 1979, ushering in further instability. Mr. Sihanouk kept residences in China and North Korea but maintained links with Cambodia's main political players—including Khmer Rouge holdouts—until he was able to re-emerge in 1993, in his early 70s, as king again. 


His second kingship was largely a symbolic post, and his ambitions were frequently thwarted by other leaders such as Hun Sen, a former Khmer Rouge cadre who defected from the group before becoming Cambodia's prime minister. Feeling marginalized, Mr. Sihanouk looked for other outlets to express himself, including regular bulletins and blog posts for diplomats and journalists filled with recipes, musings on Cambodian politics and graphic details about his various ailments, from diabetes to cancer. 


—Sun Narin contributed to this article.
br/> Write to Patrick Barta at patrick.barta@wsj.com

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Truth About Cambodian Murder May Stay in the Forest

10/26/2012
Olesia Plokhii - Environmental writer
The Huffington Post  



This week, a Cambodian judge set free the only man tried in a case related to the murder of tireless forestry defender Chut Wutty. While viewed with outrage and contempt, the verdict lacked any element of surprise.

The investigation into the death of Wutty, who was shot dead April 26 by military police protecting an illegal logging site in the Cambodian jungle, has been marred with doubt from the beginning.

The government has shifted their account of the events of that day, on which a military police officer was also killed, four times. Public knowledge about the two journalists at the scene -- I was one of them -- being threatened with death by police following the alleged double murder has been ignored. Key witnesses have been left unquestioned, evidence has been disregarded and a trial that began earlier this month is widely believed to be a cover-up. It was during that cursory hour-and-a-half long hearing Oct.4 that the judge announced the probe into Wutty's murder had been closed for months.

Still, this week, the attention of the entire country was in Koh Kong province, a short drive from the red dirt road where Wutty was killed, anxiously awaiting the verdict in the case of Ran Boroth, a timber company security guard who has been charged in connection with the case.

On Monday, the judge found Boroth guilty of "unintentional murder," sentenced him to two years behind bars, and immediately suspended 18 months of his sentence. Having already served six months in jail since his arrest, he will be a free man as early as next month.

The trial, which rights groups have criticized for being politically motivated, was tainted with irregularities, contradictory witness testimony and a lack of evidence. The court failed to hear about ballistics analysis, fingerprints or wound trajectories, according to Cambodian rights group Licadho, present during the trial.

"The investigation into Chut Wutty's killing has been a mockery of justice from day one -- from the farcical explanations for his death, to the presentation of vague, uncontested conclusions masquerading as a trial," said Licadho director Naly Pilorge.

With the official closing of the case, the hope of getting answers into how Wutty died recedes further from reality. The blood of another fallen hero stains the pages of Cambodia's tragic history, and the profiteers behind systemic deforestation in the country continue to be spared from blame.

It is perhaps the most tragic thing of all that the powerful players behind the multinational companies stripping Cambodia of its last remaining trees continue to go about their plunder unimpeded and unnamed. Since Wutty's killing, there has been no inquiry into the people and outfits he lost his life fighting to expose.

"The court's decision represents a victory for Cambodia's corrupt business and political elite," said Patrick Alley, director of Global Witness, a UK-based environmental justice NGO. "It sends a clear signal that those who attack and kill the brave few who stand up for the rights of ordinary Cambodians can do so with impunity."

Now, with the official end of the probe into the double killing, which comes days after Cambodia failed to secure a non-permanent seat on the UN Security Council and weeks ahead of a visit by U.S. President Barack Obama, Cambodia has once again proved it has no intent to change the course of its gruesome human rights record. It has proved it values profits over the lives of its own people, plantations over forests and national disgrace over justice.

Most chillingly, Cambodia has sent a message to the world that the daytime murder of a leading environmental and human rights crusader is a small price to pay to keep the grimy underbelly of Cambodia's multimillion dollar illegal logging industry intact.

And that the haunting secrets of the forest will forever remain between its rustling trees.

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Tuesday, October 02, 2012

WASHINGTON, Oct. 1 (UPI) -- The Obama administration and two journalists' organizations Monday criticized the 20-year prison term given a Cambodian radio station owner for insurrection.

Independent Cambodian broadcaster Mam Sonando was handed the lengthy jail term in Phnom Penh Municipal Court.

The U.S. State Department said in a release that it is "deeply concerned by the conviction and harsh sentence."

"A number of observers in Cambodia have noted that the charges against him appear to have been politically motivated, based on his frequent criticism of the government," the State Department said.  

"We strongly support freedom of expression, including the rights of members of the press to peacefully express political views without fear of persecution, retribution or intimidation, consistent with the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. 

"We call on the Cambodian government to release Mam Sonando immediately, to ensure that its court system is free from political influence, and to reaffirm its commitment to guaranteeing its citizens' basic human rights." 

Reporters Without Borders, which has its headquarters in France, and the Cambodian Center for Independent Media issued a statement expressing their displeasure with the punishment given the 71-year-old Radio Beehive owner for allegedly inciting unrest in the southeastern province of Kratie in mid-May. 

 "Freedom of expression and media freedom are in danger in Cambodia," the two organizations said. "We call on the authorities to release Mam Sonando at once and to quash this conviction on charges for which there is no evidence." 

Sonando was arrested in July at the behest of Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen and was found guilty of "insurrection" and "inciting the use of arms against the state" regarding a supposed uprising in Kratie aimed at creating "a state within the state." 

 Sonando was out of the country during the unrest. 

He previously was arrested in 2003 and 2005 for allegedly defaming the prime minister. 

 The journalists' organizations expressed concern for the safety of journalists and rights activists in Cambodia, noting journalist Hang Serei Oudom was slain in mid-September after implicating local officials in illegal trafficking in timber, and journalist Ek Sokunthy and his wife told the Phnom Penh Post last Wednesday they had been attacked by a former police officer and two other men for no apparent reason. 

Reporters Without Borders ranks Cambodia 117th out of 179 countries in its 2011-2012 press freedom index. 

Read more: http://www.upi.com/Top_News/US/2012/10/01/Cambodia-broadcasters-sentence-criticized/UPI-25361349145286/#ixzz287E52Y35

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Tuesday, September 25, 2012

Cambodia and Cronyism

Phnom Penh's foreign donors are enabling abuses of human rights.
The WALL STREET JOURNAL

On Sept. 11, the body of Cambodian journalist Hang Serei Oudom was found stuffed into the trunk of his car with his head bashed in. At the time of his death, Mr. Oudom was writing about collusion between local businessmen and officials in the mountainous northwest. There as elsewhere in the country politicians, officials and logging companies have conspired to clear-cut virgin forests that are supposedly protected by the government.

The murder of Mr. Oudom is hardly an aberration in Cambodia. At least 10 journalists have been killed in Cambodia since 1996. Social activists have fared no better: In April, a military policeman shot and killed environmentalist Chhut Vuthy as he investigated illegal logging in southwestern Koh Kong province. Dozens more have been summarily imprisoned for protesting illegal land seizures.
European Pressphoto Agency Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen

In 2011, Transparency International ranked Cambodia 164th out of 182 countries in its annual Corruption Perception Index. Rampant cronyism also suits Cambodia's one true foreign friend, China, which has poured billions of dollars of aid and soft loans into the country. In the process it has secured economic concessions and diplomatic fealty. At the July 11-12 summit of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations in Phnom Penh, Cambodian diplomats scuppered a collective response to Beijing's encroachment in the South China Sea. Coincidentally, Beijing this month announced another $2.5 billion in investment and soft loans. 

Trade between America and Cambodia is also on the rise, with the U.S. accounting for 41% of Cambodia's garment-driven exports. Yet the Obama Administration has remained largely silent about Cambodia's recent malfeasance, most notably at the Asean summit. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton made no public mention of Cambodia's rights record. Two days after Mrs. Clinton left the country, the authorities imprisoned one of the country's leading opposition figures on dubious charges of secessionism. 

Cambodia's ongoing genocide tribunal still receives a lion's share of Western attention when it comes to human rights. But the most pressing issue for most Cambodians is land use. In the past decade, hundreds of thousands of Cambodians have endured land grabs and evictions. They have suffered further when they dared to protest these abuses. 

Phnom Penh's international donors might stop to consider that Cambodia's oppressive cronyism is ultimately a manifestation of its disregard for the human right of private property. Absent meaningful pressure to protect property rights, foreign aid and investment will bring limited benefits.

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