Editorial | Articles about Cambodia | Khmer

Wednesday, August 13, 2008

Giving up freedoms to settle for 'peace'

Giving Up Freedoms to Settle for 'Peace'

By A. Gaffar Peang-Meth, Ph.D. (Pacific Daily News)

Whether one perceives Cambodia's recent elections as a glass half full or a glass half empty depends on one's personal political socialization.

Some would see the elections as successful, as the level of violence associated with this exercise of franchise was less than it has been in the past. Those who were victims of the violence that did occur could be expected to have a different view.

Human Rights Watch Asia director Brad Adams warned against "the trap of using lower standards" for judging Cambodia's elections.

The Mekong Times' Ly Menghour's Aug. 4 article refers to photos depicting a finger-wagging Hun Sen apparently scolding opposition leader Sam Rainsy at a departure ceremony for King Father Norodom Sihanouk and his family on Aug. 1, as their "first public exchange of words" since the elections."

The Times says Sen called "demonic" a joint letter by the Sam Rainsy Party, the Human Rights Party, and the Norodom Ranariddh Party protesting election results; and reports Sen's warning to Rainsy that the SRP's "26 seats" won in the elections "will be divided among other (political parties)" should the SRP boycott the Sept. 24 swearing-in ceremony of the elected parliamentarians. The Times says the smiling Rainsy responded: "My party represents the votes of two million."

In his Aug. 5 letter to the editor, Rainsy declares, "the new Assembly cannot even validly convene without participation from the opposition."

Published reports state the head of the royalist FUNCINPEC party, Keo Puth Reasmey, and his wife, Princess Norodom Arunrasmey, a prime minister candidate, have been told by Sen to resign from the party.

On July 28, the Voice of America broadcast a four-party call to Cambodians and the world "not to recognize the results of the July 27, 2008, elections." Prince Sisowath Sirirath signed for FUNCINPEC.

But an Aug. 2 article by Menghour reports FUNCINPEC's reversal of opinion, as it announced after a closed meeting that it may be "not satisfied with the (election's) outcome," but it "(will) not make a complaint against the election results."

Beyond Sen and Cambodia's elections is the fundamental issue that divides peoples and nations: economic development versus rights and freedom of men.

A political animal, man seeks freedom and justice. Without justice, some men will not stop struggling, undermining a durable peace.

When I was still teaching, I attended a lunch in Washington, D.C., with two good friends: One, a political appointee, touted the policies of human rights and freedom of the United States; the other, a ranking Asian diplomat, defended his country's policy of order and security as a prerequisite to economic development.

What I injected into the discussion was my view -- summarized in "Individual freedom in stable society" in the Sept. 10, 1997, edition of the Jakarta Post, and "The world must have balance for survival," in the Sept. 7, 1997, issue of the Pacific Sunday News. Both referenced Somalia, Bosnia, Myanmar and Cambodia, where "repressive" regimes used terror against their people while the West, notably the United States, did not intervene, and how the Association of South-East Asian Nations embraced "non-interference."

I believed then and now that economic development and human rights and freedom are not mutually exclusive.

I didn't think my two friends finished their meal satisfied.

I find the July 29 Christian Science Monitor's David Montero's "In Cambodia vote, stability wins" sums up the Cambodian elections well: "Prime Minister Hun Sen, who has ruled for 23 years, won another five-year term Sunday. His party has overseen several prosperous years; critics say it stifles democracy."

Sen is credited for Cambodia's economic growth of more than 10 per cent a year since 2000. The CEO of private-equity fund Leopard Capital that will inject $500 million into Cambodia's economy, cheered Sen's election as a "best-case scenario" for big investors. I doubt if Cambodian victims of land grabbing agree.

British economist Christopher Windsor, who called Cambodians "brainless" for handing the elections to Sen, reminded that even if Cambodians make "twice more" than they did before, the goods and services are "three times more expensive," and the 10 percent growth rate that is "distributed among rich CPP members" means that "all Cambodians" are hurt.

The head of the Cambodian League for the Promotion and Defense of Human Rights, Galabru, spoke of the CPP's "mirage of economic stability" as the poor are being evicted from their homes and their land at an alarming rate: "You have a GDP increase, but look at the gap between rich and poor. More than 40 percent (of Cambodia's total population of 14 million) live below the standard income."

Political analyst Sedera Kim told Montero that in Asia, "you don't care about the content of democracy. You care about economic performance first." Galabru begged to differ: "Democracy anywhere, in Europe, in North America, in Asia, must be the same. This is a universal principle," she argued.

Ironically, no Cambodian is in a better position than Sen himself to redress the imbalance of values and principles, and stability and order. But he is the man who said he would stay in power until he's 90, and would not leave power even if he would not win the elections.

A balance between economic growth and human rights must be established in Cambodia, where the people have too long suffered. Unfortunately, economic growth that does not lift the poorest of boats only diminishes the horizon for the millions who are left in the shallows.

A. Gaffar Peang-Meth, Ph.D., is retired from the University of Guam, where he taught political science for 13 years. Write him at peangmeth@yahoo.com.

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Monday, July 28, 2008

Four Major Political Parties Reject Election Results

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Four Major Political Parties Reject Election Results

28 July 2008

The undersigned political parties call on the Cambodian public opinion and the international community not to recognize the results of the July 27, 2008 elections which were manipulated and rigged by the ruling Cambodian People's Party (CPP).

The main illegal and fraudulent practices are related to deletion of countless legitimate voters' names and artificial increase in the CPP votes associated with 1018 forms issued by CPP-controlled authorities to illegitimate voters to cast their ballots for the CPP.

We call on the public opinion to condemn the tricks and maneuvers of the National Election Committee which is only a tool for the CPP to organize a sham election and present a façade of democracy.

For FUNCINPEC PARTY
SISOWATH SIRIRATH

For HUMAN RIGHTS PARTY
KEM SOKHA

For NORODOM RANARIDDH PARTY
MUTH CHANTHA

For SAM RAINSY PARTY
SAM RAINSY

For additional information:

FUNCINPEC 012 888 320
HRP 012 400 026
NRP 012 937 392
SRP 092 888 002

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Tuesday, January 08, 2008

More than 10 Funcinpec government officials defected to the CPP



Monday, January 07, 2008
Koh Santepheap newspaper
Translated from Khmer by Socheata

Phnom Penh – Khieu Kanharith, CPP spokesman and minister of information, said on Friday 04 January that about 10 Funcinpec government officials, holding the rank of ministers and state secretaries, have defected to the CPP. On the other hand, Funcinpec party officials also claim that it is true that about 10 Funcinpec party members defected to the CPP since long ago, except that they did not dare reveal their defections openly.

The defection of Funcinpec officials to the CPP take place at the same time as the general election is approaching. A source close to Funcinpec revealed that the defectors are:

1. Kong Vibol, the state secretary of the ministry of economy and finance,
2. Muong Khim, an official from the ministry of Interior,
3. Nuth Sokhom, the minister of health,
4. Chumteav Ing KanthaPhavy, the minister of women affairs,
5. Chea Peng Chheang, the state secretary of the ministry of economy and finance,
6. Chumteav Senator Khlot Tong Phka,
7. Khun Haing, the minister of cult and religion,
8. Trak Thai Sieng, the deputy governor of Phnom Penh,
9. Veng Sereivuth, the minister of culture and fine arts,
10. Kol Pheng, the minister of education,
11. Sun Chanthol, the minister of public works and transport.

Nov Sovathero, Funcinpec spokesman, declared that, indeed, there were defections of Funcinpec officials to the CPP, and for the majority of them, their defections were known since long ago. He added: “The management of people is not an easy thing, because we don’t know what they are thinking. … This is not something new because we knew that some let it be known about their actions and their unhappiness with the party leadership, whereas others have high hopes on their new party.”

At the end of December 2007, Prince Ranariddh said that the Funcinpec party faces serious internal discord that cannot be mended, and even the party leadership cannot mend this discord. Prince Ranariddh said: “We stop talking about the Funcinpec party from now on, because they fomented a coup de party to remove me from the party presidency in October 2006.”

Nov Sovathero claimed that: “Funcinpec has (internal) discord since long ago, this is like a cracked glass.” He added that this discord started since Prince Ranariddh was still leading the party, and if the prince was clever, he should have mended the discord way back when. However, Nov Sovathero said that a number of the officials listed above have not made up their minds yet, these include: Kol Pheng, Sun Chanthol, Nuth Sokhom, and Veng Sereivuth, but for all the others, they have already defected.

On 06 January, Koh Santepheap tried to reach the officials listed above to ask for their explanations on this issue, but we couldn’t reach any of them. However, Nov Sovathero added: “Even a couple of husband and wife who are close to each other, sometimes, they cheat each other, and for members of a political party, we cannot look inside their minds.” Nov Sovathero said that these defections will surely affect the party goals, however, the party cannot bar these individuals from defecting. When asked about the future of Funcinpec with the arising of such event, Nov Sovathero declined to comment.

Nhiek Bun Chhay, Funcinpec secretary-general, told VOA that there seems to be pressure applied from the other party (CPP), and all these Funcinpec officials had no choice but to defect to the CPP. Nevertheless, Nov Sovathero declared that there are a number of Funcinpec government officials at the provincial and municipality levels who also defected to the CPP since long ago, such as Thach Khon and Say Hak (governor of Sihanoukville).

Ok Socheat, a high-ranking Funcinpec official, declared that this is political labyrinth for every political party. He claimed that some Funcinpec party officials defected to serve the CPP since long ago, like Ou Bun Long and Kong Vibol, for example. Khun Haing also defected long ago, and the majority of those defectors are people who were close to Prince Ranariddh. Nov Sovethera added: “They want to preserve their (juicy government) positions for the remaining few months, or they can represent their new party for the election also, and since the National Assembly mandate is not expired yet, there will be no position shuffling that will take place.” We praise the Funcinpec party leadership which (decided) to preserve the government positions for these party defectors. There is no immediate reaction from the CPP yet about the comments made by Nhiek Bun Chhay.

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Saturday, October 11, 1997

Hun Sen reinstates Ho Sok suspects

Hun Sen Reinstates Ho Sok Suspects


Written by Jason Barber and Chea Sotheacheath
Friday, 10 October 1997 (Phnom Penh Post)

H UN SEN personally signed an order reinstating three police generals suspended from their positions in connection with the execution of Funcinpec stalwart Ho Sok, officials have confirmed.

The Second Prime Minister was requested to issue the order by the Director-General of the National Police, General Hok Lundy, who has been accused of participating in the killing.

Co-Ministers of Interior Sar Kheng and You Hockry did not sign the document. It was signed by Hun Sen in his capacity as Commander-in-Chief of the Royal Cambodian Armed Forces (RCAF), before his Sept 22 departure for a trip abroad.

Sources said the situation has raised tensions over the lines of authority between Sar Kheng and Hok Lundy, who are both senior CPP members, and the power of the Prime Minister to override his Minister.

Sar Kheng, contacted by telephone Oct 7, said: "I did not oppose that [the generals' reinstatement], but I would have liked to keep them [suspended] for a little longer while we are investigating.

"But now they have already been released... the story is over and I should not say more on that, to avoid any further problem in the future."

Earlier, Sar Kheng - in what observers interpreted as a sign of unhappiness at Hun Sen and Hok Lundy undermining his authority - reportedly went on public record as saying that he knows who killed Ho Sok.

"We have learned the identity of the killer," Sar Kheng reportedly told the Cambodia Daily newspaper Sept 23, the day after Hun Sen left Cambodia.

"I hope that the killer will be arrested soon," Sar Kheng was quoted as saying. He declined to name the suspect, saying: "You don't want to know such a sensitive thing."

Sar Kheng, subsequently contacted by the Post, claimed that he had said no such thing. "I don't know who the killer is. If I knew the killers, I would arrest them immediately," he said.

But one of his aides, General Khieu Sopheak, said: "I think that His Excellency Sar Kheng said that the killer has been identified. He also said that it was too early to move, that we have to let the police complete the investigation."

Khieu Sopheak confirmed that the three Ministry of Interior generals suspended after the killing had been reinstated by order of "the high Commander-in-Chief of the Royal Cambodian Armed Forces, a four-star general, Samdech Hun Sen".

He said that Hun Sen had signed the order at the request of Hok Lundy, who had submitted a report to the Prime Minister explaining that "the three generals were not involved...in the killing".

Asked whether Sar Kheng and You Hockry had signed the reinstatement order themselves, Khieu Sopheak said there was no need for them to do so. Hun Sen had already signed it, he said, and "the Ministry of Interior respects the order from the very high position of Samdech Hun Sen".

Sopheak, however, denied that the approval of Hun Sen would be required before an arrest could be made in the Ho Sok case. "This is a criminal offense case; there is no need to ask the approval of the Commander-in-Chief, only the court."

Another senior police official, who spoke on condition of anonymity, was not so sure. Asked whether Sar Kheng would pursue an arrest, the official replied: "In Cambodia, a Minister does not have full authority... he could be over-ruled by a Prime Minister, for example."

The official also referred to blurred lines of power between Hok Lundy and Sar Kheng, asking: "If the Director-General [of the National Police] has the rank of Minister, what are the lines of authority?"

After the July 5-6 fighting in Phnom Penh, in which he played an active role, Lundy was appointed an advisor - with the rank of Minister - to the co-Prime Ministers. Sar Kheng and Hok Lundy therefore hold the same rank, though Sar Kheng also holds the position of Deputy Prime Minister.

However, under a decree passed in late 1995, the Ministry of Interior's security forces are under the ultimate control of the co-Commanders-in-Chief of RCAF - the Prime Ministers. Sources said that it was under this decree, in one of the first times that it has been used, that Hun Sen ordered the generals' reinstatement.

Hok Lundy is a known close ally of Hun Sen, while Sar Kheng is widely considered a potential rival to the Second Prime Minister within the CPP.

Ho Sok - the Secretary of State for the Ministry of Interior and one of several Funcinpec officials accused by CPP of illegally bringing weapons and troops to Phnom Penh - was shot dead at the ministry's Phnom Penh headquarters after being captured by CPP forces July 7.

As pressure mounted on the government to bring those responsible to justice, three CPP police generals - Ma Chhoeun, in whose office Ho Sok was killed, his deputy Tharn Im and Thong Lim, the director of the ministry's criminal investigation department - were indefinitely suspended. The suspensions were ordered July 24 by Sar Kheng and his co-Minister, You Hockry (Funcinpec), who also established a team to investigate the murder.

Hok Lundy - who has previously denied any involvement in the killing - said Oct 7 that the generals' reinstatement had been proposed by the investigation team.

"In fact, the generals have no fault," he said by telephone. "Their mistake was just not providing security to protect Ho Sok from being killed... [they] did not order someone to kill Ho Sok."

Asked if the killer was known, Hok Lundy said the Post should ask the head of the investigation team, Luy Savun, a Funcinpec police officer. Savun declined to comment to the Post.

There have been persistent rumors that Ho Sok was killed by Hok Lundy or by the police chief's bodyguards, culminating in a public accusation by Julio Jeldres, the King's official biographer.

In a Sept 9 letter to the Post, Jeldres claimed that information from an unidentified witness to Ho Sok's murder implicated Hok Lundy in the killing. CPP officials who denied that Hok Lundy killed Ho Sok were being "economical with the truth," Jeldres wrote.

Ho Sok's widow, now in exile in Thailand, has written to the UN Secretary-General accusing Hun Sen and Hok Lundy of responsibility for her husband's murder.

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